kenyaone

National Anti Corruption Campaign Steering Committee; progress report.

2010-02-08T19:14:00.005+03:00

The report covers corruption issues and the recommendations on how to deal with them from every district in Kenya.

Constitution

2009-11-20T13:30:00.003+03:00

For some reason.

We, Kenyans have believed...fallen for the hype that a new constitution is the panacea for the problems bedevilling our nation.
Much as I can see the need for change and a re-examination of our constitutional dispensation, I have a certain unease with a new constitution and the promises it offers. I do think that our real problems are far more related to the loss or erosion of our values than to poor legislation and outdated laws.
There is an inherent and very real danger about the way that we are approaching this issue.
African and indeed our traditional values, honesty, sincerity, hard work, generosity and more have been under attack by the advent of capitalism for the last 50 odd years. Constitutions worldwide have been adopted as the best way to ensure the proper functioning of a nation and or republic and the equitable distribution of resources as well as the inalienable freedoms of all people, the right to create wealth and many other checks and balances in a free society.
But try as I might I do not see how better legislation will improve our values. Values can only be instilled. They cannot be legislated. Legislation may be there to guard our collective values as a nation and can be improved and moulded over time to adapt with the fast changing pace of life....but can never be a substitute for an inherently good value system.
Japan is a wealthy country and one of the most ancient civilisations on earth with what would undoubtedly be one of the most diversified and vibrant economies on earth. We associate this country with good governance and all that comes with it. But I want to point out that despite laws being in place for the detection, and effective prosecution of crime and more so in this vein corruption, those implicated in the same often choose to take their lives.
This stems from a deep seated sense of justice in society ,such that one who has gone against the ‘moral code’ even in a moment of weakness finds more ‘honour’ in self inflicted death than the indignity of a public trial. I use the example of Japan because it also has in its constitution a official dynasty, in fact the very one that unchecked, 50 years ago, led to their involvement in the second world war and their subsequent ‘punishment’ by the USA being the only country to date to have seen the devastation of atomic bombs.
The point I am making is that it is very dangerous for us to put more reliance on a constitution, than on our own moral and ethical codes. Why limit ourselves to what is written in law. Shouldnt we have in all of us our own ‘law’ that has a higher bearing on how we live than a written code?
What did Jesus tell the Pharisees when they accused his disciples of ‘working’ by ‘harvesting’ on the Sabbath day when they ate grains of wheat from the fields as they walked. Laws are made for man not man for laws. Let the overriding law be that in our own values rather than a constitution. It’s safer that way. A constitution or law should never be superior to your own value system. They should work in tandem to create a cohesive society. But your own values come first.
More so. In trying to find the ‘perfect’ legislative environment we run the greatest danger of alienating ourselves community from community, region from region than ever before.
Comments attributed to a number of Mp’s recently show what a deep seated problem we have. Some from both Rift Valley and Central province (not limited to) have openly said the next president should be from their communities/regions. With what has so recently put us at each other’s throats and a new constitution in the offering which advocates albeit in a ‘sober’ tone, the much discredited ‘majimbo’ system, are we not as Kenyans putting the cart before the horse?
Doubtless some will argue that a new constitution guarantees the equitable distribution of resources so it’s a prerequisite to the next election but who and what guarantees our morality? Laws have been broken before and will again.
Additionally we have complained that the current coalition is bloated and a drain on public resources. Pray what then is this new Constitution? Have we honestly looked at how multi layered it is and considered the cost of implementation of the required changes to our governance. More important to me though, is that while our priority right now should be how we can become more cohesive as a nation and rediscover our sense of patriotism from which possibly the seeds of a better value system may be sown, we are busy discussing a document that will undoubtedly divide us more along ethnic and community lines than ever before.
While I agree that changes and reform are necessary I would much rather an incremental change (amendments) to our current constitution that would allow us to go to an election as a unified nation and continue with the process of constitutional reform and or change after that point. Not to mention the fact that a referendum is still an option that would put more strain on our national psyche than we can now bear.
We have yet to identify and try the masterminds of the post election violence which will open up old wounds, the TJRC is supposedly underway, more and older wounds, a referendum possible, new constitution, then an election in 3 years time. Isn’t this too much to bite, chew and swallow at one go considering that in 2012 most of these will still be underway?
Rather than try to enter a long treatise for which in neither qualified nor inclined. I urge my fellow Kenyans, citizens to examine, not the new constitution but our own society and ask whether legislation can bring about or indeed is the appropriate tool, to bring us to the point of a new moral and ethical awakening which is the only sure way our guaranteeing the future of this nation.

As for me. I have no hesitation in deriding this effort for being too little too late. I will not read it. I do not think it is the answer to our problems. I am certain that in its current form and the method we are adopting to examine and implement it we are bound to be worse off than we are right now.
All things considered. I respect the fact that many will disagree with my position. Time will tell.

More on al shabaab

2009-11-09T18:10:00.000+03:00

Tuesday, October 28, 2008
AL-SHABAAB EXECUTE SOMALI WOMAN, AISHO IBRAHIM DHUHULOW, BY STONING FOR ADULTERY AND BEHEAD MANSUUR MOHAMMED FOR CONVERTING TO CHRISTIANITY FROM ISLAM

Somalia: Woman stoned to death, October 28th 2008...Al-Shabaab execute Somali woman, Aisho Ibrahim Dhuhulow, by stoning to death for adultery, UPDATE 11/02/08, she had been raped and she was only 13 years old ! Mansuur Mohammed, 25, a World Food Program (WFP) worker was beheaded for converting from Islam to Christianity by the Al-Shabaab terrorist head hunters, see their USA hosted website here http://www.kataaib.net/ .

A woman in Somalia has been stoned to death after an Al-Shabaab Islamic Sharia law court found her guilty of adultery. The woman was buried up to her neck and then pelted to death with stones in front of a large crowd in Kismayo (port city controlled by Al-Shabaab ).
UPDATE 11/02/08....Amnesty International Denounces Stoning Death of 13-Year-Old Somali Girl; MOGADISHU, Somalia — A 13-year-old girl who said she had been raped was stoned to death in Somalia after being accused of adultery by Islamic militants, a human rights group said. Dozens of men (Al-Shabaab) stoned Aisha Ibrahim Duhulow to death Oct. 27 in a stadium packed with 1,000 spectators in the southern port city of Kismayo, Amnesty International and Somali media reported, citing witnesses. The Islamic militia in charge of Kismayo had accused her of adultery after she reported that three men had raped her, the rights group said.

It was the first such execution in the southern port city since Islamist insurgents captured it from government-allied forces in August. A local Islamist leader said the woman, Aisho Ibrahim Dhuhulow, had pleaded guilty to committing adultery.

"She was asked several times to review her confession but she stressed that she wanted Sharia law and the deserved punishment to apply," said Sheikh Hayakallah. A group of men performed the execution in one of the city's main squares in front of thousands of people, AFP news agency said.

SOMALIA: Christian Aid Worker Beheaded for Converting from Islam by Al-Shabaab; Among at least 24 aid workers killed in Somalia this year was one who was beheaded last month specifically for converting from Islam to Christianity, among other charges, according to an eyewitness.

Muslim extremists from the Al Shabaab group fighting the transitional government on 23 September sliced the head off of Mansuur Mohammed, 25, a World Food Programme (WFP) worker, before horrified onlookers of Manyafulka village, 10 kilometres from Baidoa. The militants had intercepted Mohammed and a WFP driver, who managed to escape, earlier in the morning.

Sources close to Mohammed's family said he converted from Islam to Christianity in 2005. The eyewitness, who requested anonymity for security reasons, said the militants that afternoon gathered the villagers of Manyafulka, telling them that they would prepare a feast for them.

Five masked men emerged (Al-Shabaab), carrying guns, wielding Somali swords and dragging the handcuffed Mohammed. One recited the Quran as he proclaimed that Mohammed was a "murtid," an Arabic term for one who converts from Islam to Christianity. Mohammed remained calm with an expressionless face, never uttering a word, said the eyewitness.

See my prior post, Thursday, October 23, 2008, Al-Shabaab Terrorists in Somalia Take Aim at U.S. and U.N. Aid Workers
UNICEF aid worker killed in Somalia Monday, October 20, 2008. Gunmen in Somalia have killed an aid worker employed by the United Nations during an attack against humanitarians in the war-ravaged country, witnesses reported Monday. A regional official in Somalia accused Islamist rebels, Al-Shabaab, on Monday of killing a U.N. employee in the second assassination of a senior aid worker in two days in the lawless Horn of Africa nation. We are sure Al-Shabaab killed him," Mohamed Maalim told Reuters.

Al-Shabaab have an offical website hosted in the Vancouver WA, USA. While ISPs can be criminally liable for providing support to terror groups, most ISPs -- upon receipt of a complaint about a problematic or legally murky customer site -- will simply cease doing business with the offending party, citing violations of their terms of service, Dotster Web Hosting in Vancouver WA refuses to do so with Al-Shabaab.
It is unlawful for a person in the United States or subject to the jurisdiction of the United States to knowingly provide "material support or resources" to a designated Foreign Terrorist Organization. The term "material support or resources" is defined in 18 U.S.C. § 2339A(b)(1) as " any property, tangible or intangible, or service, including currency or monetary instruments or financial securities, financial services, lodging, training, expert advice or assistance, safehouses, false documentation or identification, communications equipment, facilities, weapons, lethal substances, explosives, personnel, and transportation, except medicine or religious materials.” 18 U.S.C. § 2339A(b)(2) provides that for these purposes “the term ‘training’ means instruction or teaching designed to impart a specific skill, as opposed to general knowledge.” 18 U.S.C. § 2339A(b)(3) further provides that for these purposes the term ‘expert advice or assistance’ means advice or assistance derived from scientific, technical or other specialized knowledge.’’

The Al-Shabaab terror group's offical website is hosted in the USA at the Dotster Web Co which refuses to shut down this terrorist group's website. This is the same Al-Shabaab terrorist group that the Columbian Newspaper in Vancouver WA sides with and upholds their first amendment right "freedom of speech", WHAT !
The Columbian Newspaper; In our view: Internet censor (Bill Warner)Wednesday, May 07, 2008; A Florida man’s heart might be in the right place, but he is misguided in his bid to get a Vancouver Internet service company to drop a Somali-language Web site (Al-shabaab terrorists). Bill Warner, a Sarasota private investigator (http://www.wbipi.com/index2.html ), wants Dotster Inc. of Vancouver to refuse service to kataaib.net . Warner, who has launched similar purge efforts in other cities with other Internet companies, says kataaib.net supports an al-Qaida organization in Somalia, where war and genocide are tragic facts of daily life (THEY ARE AN aL-QAIDA ORGANIZATION).
Al-shabaab are located in Somalia, they are aligned with al-Qaeda and the Al-Shabaab are a specially designated terrorist organization by the US government and it is a Federal criminal violation to do business with Al-Shabaab !

The FBI is sorely lacking Arabic translators to monitor terror sites, the Jihad terror sites hosted in the USA must be shut down like http://kataaib.net/ the official website of the Somali Jihad group, Harakat Al-Shabaab Al-Mujahideen.
Hosted ISP by;
Dotster Inc.
8100 NE Parkway Dr # 300
Vancouver, WA 98662
Phone (360) 449-5900

On February 29, 2008, Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice designated al-Shabaab (aka al-Shabab, aka Shabaab, aka the Youth, aka Mujahidin al-Shabaab Movement, aka Mujahideen Youth Movement, aka Mujahidin Youth Movement, aka MYM, aka Harakat Shabab al-Mujahidin, aka Hizbul Shabaab, aka Hisb’ul Shabaab, aka al-Shabaab al-Islamiya, aka Youth Wing, aka al Shabaab al-Islaam, aka al-Shabaab al-Jihaad, aka the Unity of Islamic Youth) as a Foreign Terrorist Organization under Section 219 of the Immigration and Nationality Act (as amended) and as a Specially Designated Global Terrorist under Section 1(b) of Executive Order 13224 (as amended).

The consequences of these designations include a prohibition against the provision of material support or resources to al-Shabaab and blocking of all property and interests in property of the organization that are in the United States, or come within the United States, or the control of U.S. persons

Bill Warner
Private investigator
www.wbipi.com

Al shabaab, Is it really Islam

2009-11-09T17:51:00.001+03:00

Alshabaab: "The" Number One Enemy of Islam and Somali People
Dalmar Kaahin
August 29, 2009
For almost two decades politically polarized warmongers, acting like spoiled children who refused to share a sandbox, held Somalia hostage. But never before have Somalis seen a terrifying group like Alshabaab cult. From a victorious group that evicted Ethiopian troops from Somalia to a barbaric enemy of Islam and Somali society, Alshabaab is the most loathed faction in Somalia today. This religious cult pretends to advocate for the rule of Sharia laws yet undertakes the most un-Islamic acts; it screams about the presence of foreign troops in Somali soil, yet Alshabaab parachutes foreign suicide bombers into the country. Worse yet, the Western Media uses Alshabaab´s barbarism as a powerful propaganda tool against Islam. And above all, this ruthless group brought death and destruction to an oasis of serenity amid chaos in Horn of Africa: the democratic republic of Somaliland.

Alshabaab´s hypocrisy in abundant supply, it advocates for the rule Sharia, but it carries out the most un-Islamic acts of violence—suicide bombings. For starters, in the Somali world suicide bombers remain foreign ideologies that Alshabaab imported to the country. It is a new phenomenon that frightens the Somali people. So far, Alshabaab targeted government officials and civilians alike with suicide bombings. Without a doubt, suicide bombings are against the teachings of Islam. Clearly, any Muslim scholar that you speak to will tell you that suicide bombing is one of the most un-Islamic acts—a guaranteed ticket to hell; yet Alshabaab in the name of its version of Islam conducts what Islam resolutely forbids.

Equally, new to Somalia and as gruesome as the suicide bombing is the limb amputations. While in every neighbourhood of Mogadishu women are raped and people are mugged—never mind securing the rest of the country—Alshabaab horns its skills to chop up body parts of young boys caught shoplifting. But what does Islam say about limb amputations?

To amputate thieves´ arms or legs strict conditions must be met: first, a functioning Islamic state with its security forces, economy, justice and health care systems should exist. Second, the state must prove beyond shadow of a doubt that the government can provide jobs for the thieves, but they resort to stealing. Before, the perpetrators lose their limbs, the president of the Islamic republic—if required—must testify in a court of law that it is not his/her government that fails them, but they let themselves down. Third, the owner of the stolen goods must insist not to forgive the perpetrators, which will never happen in the Somali society. Fourth, the perpetrators and community should have time to evaluate what is at stake. During this period the community convinces the owner to forgive the thieves. Currently, Somalia is far from a nation that can be applied to Islamic laws.

But Alshabaab devises a brutal campaign of terror and argues such an atrocity is based on Islamic Sharia law. Destroying cemeteries, killing civilians and displacing them, among other atrocities, Alshabaab carries out a barbaric war against the Somali people. However, among Somali Islamic scholars Alshabaab´s barbarism has nothing to do with promoting Sharia. "Before Sheik Sharif's election you were all fighting for an Islamic leader, but now you have no excuse," the chairman of the Somali Clerics Council, Sheikh Nur Barood Gurhan states. http://hiiraan.com/news2/2009/Feb/somali_clerics_council_endorses_president.aspx (Sheik Sharif is the current Somali president, or more precisely: the besieged mayor of Mogadishu.)

Now don´t forget: many members of Alshabaab fighters are in fact from former warlords´ militias. In the past, some of these militias who currently call themselves Alshabaab raped Somali women and girls, looted businesses, and murdered countless innocent people in the name of defending not Islam or Somalia but the interest of their tribes. (Back then, tribes were the new sports on the block.) These gangs just changed shirts. In that case, shouldn´t Alshabaab´s Sharia applied to its members? Of course not, because Alshabaab zealots accept only the part of Islam that favours them. That is, they exonerate themselves from their horrendous crimes—without a tinge of regret—yet preach us about Islam.

Also, while Alshabaab screams about the presence of the African peacekeeping forces known as UNISOM in Somalia, it [Alshabaab] parachutes foreign suicide bombers into Somalia. Sheikh Hassan Dahir Aweys, the leader of Hisbul Islam—an ally of Alshabaab—unequivocally admits receiving support from Eritrea and foreign fighters. He states, "Eritrea supports us…there may be two or three Arabs who were moved by Islam to fight alongside us." http://markacadeey.com/may/20090523_1e.htm

Now, admittedly, when attacked the UNISOM forces´ indiscriminate slaughter against civilians provide Alshabaab yet another reason to wage war. Worse yet, the current Somali regime´s imprudent strategy to associated with Ethiopia, and signing bogus maritime deals with Kenya which allow Kenya to steal a large chunk of Somalia´s territorial waters, among other blunders, provide Alshabaab a cause to wage war. See these articles about the scandalous treaty:

http://somalilandpress.com/4335/for-sale-somalia%E2%80%99s-territorial-waters/

http://www.unforum.com/UNheadlines571.htm and http://tinyurl.com/njjxgy

But the maritime treaty isn´t as scandalous as the Western Media´s malicious propaganda campaign against Islam. The Western Media could not be happier with Alshabaab´s un-Islamic barbaric acts. For instance, with respect to Somalia´s turmoil almost every article that you come across, or every channel you flip states, "Alshabaab enforce strict Sharia laws". What kind of Sharia? Without a doubt, this is the invaluable propaganda that the Western Media rejoices. And to make sure that an undiluted ignorance—the worst disinformation of the century, a condoned Islamaphobia—spreads like a wildfire, none of the Media groups invite Islamic scholars to clarify whether Alshabaab practices Islam, or barbarism. Instead, the Media invites the so-called Western experts who repeatedly regurgitate the same stale propaganda against Islam. Through the thick lenses of the West, Islam and terrorism are synonymous words, and so are Sharia and limb amputations. But in the long run these deliberate fear-mongering tactics and unabated Islamaphobia will harm the Western image and inadvertently recruit more groups like Alshabaab.

And who created this monster? Of course, Alshabaab came to power when U.S. commissioned Ethiopia to invade Somalia in December 2006. Ethiopian troops fled; U.S. failed its mission; Somalia inherited the monster.

But Somalia is not the only victim of Alshabaab. The democratic republic of Somaliland also received the wrath of Alshabaab. It detonated one of the worst suicide attacks in Somaliland´s history in October 2008. Over twenty two civilians lost their life. The scares of the bomb attacks are still visible in Hargeisa, Somaliland capital. And while panic-stricken Somalilanders focused on local suspects from Somalia, I asked a simple question: "Is Canada Harbouring Terrorists Who Attacked Hargeisa, Somaliland capital?" http://www.maanhadal.com/articles/Is_Canada_Harboring_Terrorists.html

One year later, Canada´s National Post Newspaper answers my question and details how Alshabaab sympathizers from Canada planned to spur chaos in Somaliland: http://www.nationalpost.com/story.html?id=1472963 Similarly, a brainwashed Somali-American from Minneapolis was among the suicide bombers that sent body part flying over rooftops in downtown Hargeisa.

Now, Hargeisa is only 280km from U.S. bases in Djibouti. Additionally, Somaliland border guards near Djibouti are poorly trained and barely equipped to stop suicide bombers and terrorists. Therefore, God forbid but it will be a matter of time before Alshabaab attacks U.S. bases in Djibouti. And that is why it is paramount for the U.S. not only to train and equip Somaliland forces but also base some U.S. forces near the border between Somaliland and Somalia to stop suicide bombers destined to attack U.S. base in Djibouti.

Surely, just as the Alshabaab terrorists bombed Somaliland in 2008, so too they could detonate deadly explosives against U.S. bases in Djibouti. Hence, the U.S. must stop Alshabaab at the border between Somaliland and Somalia and not at the gates of the U.S. military bases in Djibouti. The indisputable fact is: the ONLY wall that separates Alshabaab suicide bombers and U.S. forces in Djibouti is Somaliland. If this wall is thick enough, Alshabaab will have less chances of attacking the U.S. interests in Djibouti.

To sum up, Alshabaab´s callous brutality against Somalis, its un-Islamic ideologies, and its unabated barbaric limb amputations, among others, now forced many Somalis to either stay frightened in their houses, or flee in droves. Also, this group´s brutal war to annihilate anyone that opposes its ideologies is unprecedented in Somalia.

With conviction, overwhelmingly the Somali citizens, the intellectuals, and the Islamic scholars, view Alshabaab as the number one enemy of the Somali society and Islam.

As for the West, it cannot abandon Somalia and watch while West-created monster: Alshabaab decimates the current Mogadishu regime.

The truth is: while Alshabaab is left to amputate and terrorise Somali people, the West uses this terror group as an indispensible propaganda tool against Islam. The fact is: if the U.S. and its allies want to annihilate Alshabaab they could do so easily. But why bother? After all, Alshabaab has very little chance or motive to detonate bombs in the Western countries (minus staged terrorism, of course), despite the ludicrous shrills from the West. And more important, to continue the Western imperial expansion, an enemy is always needed.

Similarly, both Ethiopia and Kenya desperately need Alshabaab to keep Somalia´s inferno burning.

Doubtless, once Alshabaab terrorists overrun Mogadishu and its environs, they will take their suicide bombs to the democratic republic of Somaliland—once again—where during its upcoming presidential election in September 2009 terrorists plan to detonate massive explosives at polling stations.

Nor will the U.S. bases in Djibouti escape Alshabaab terrorists´ attack, if U.S. doesn´t stop them before they enter Somaliland.

Dalmar Kaahin

dalmar_k@yahoo.com

Al Shabaab

2009-11-09T09:04:00.002+03:00

I will be posting alot of material and my personal opinions on the current sitauation in Somalia and the madness of Al sabaab.....shortly

Mboya sends Obama to school

2008-04-01T16:32:00.006+03:00

(Mboya welcomes Bob Kennedy to Nairobi, Mboya and Kennedy)

Why does nation newspaper in particular have such a problem with Mboya’s role in Kenyas independence?

Look at the following story in Nation 1 April 2008. In it there is no mention of Mboya. Look at the original story in the Washington post of 30 March 2008 and come to your own conclusion. Nation do not even mention 'Washington Post' but simply 'Washington'

If it were not for the efforts of Mboya Obama may not have been a presidential candidate today.

(Nation Story)

Obama admits Kennedy tale over airlift not exactly true Publication Date: 2008/04/01
WASHINGTON, Monday

Addressing civil rights activists in Selma, Alabama, a year ago, Senator Barack Obama traced his “very existence” to the generosity of the Kennedy family, which he said paid for his Kenyan father to travel to America on a student scholarship and thus meet his Kansan mother.
The Camelot connection has become part of the mythology surrounding Mr Obama’s bid for the Democratic presidential nomination.
After Caroline Kennedy endorsed his candidacy in January, Newsweek commentator Jonathan Alter reported that she had been struck by the extraordinary way in which “history replays itself” and by how “two generations of two families — separated by distance, culture and wealth — can intersect in strange and wonderful ways.”
But the key details of the story are either untrue or grossly oversimplified.
Contrary to Mr Obama’s claims in speeches in January at American University and in Selma last year, the Kennedys did not provide the funding for a September 1959 airlift of 81 Kenyan students to the US that included Mr Obama’s father.
According to historical records and interviews with participants, the Kennedys were first approached to support the programme nearly a year later, in July 1960.
The family responded with a $100,000 donation, most of which went to pay for a second airlift in September 1960.
Obama spokesman Bill Burton acknowledged on Saturday that the senator from Illinois had erred in crediting the Kennedy family with a role in his father’s arrival in the US.
Meanwhile, with the next big contest coming in Pennsylvania on April 22, Hillary Clinton and Republican candidate McCain took much of the day off.
In their absence, Mr Obama took the opportunity to attack McCain’s stance on the war in Iraq, a war he said had failed to make the United States safer while costing billions of dollars in part because of Bush’s tax cuts.
“When you ask John McCain how it has made us safer you get - err,” Mr Obama told a raucus crowd of 2,000 at Harrisburg town hall in Pennsylvania. “He will argue that the surge has been the right thing to do but ... the question is why did we go in there in the first place.”
Earlier, Obama campaigned at Pennsylvania State University. where some 22,000 people came

to listen to him speak at an open air rally in what aides said was one of the biggest events of the Democratic campaign.
College students have been some of Obama’s most active supporters and in Pennsylvania he must score big among them if he is to do well against Clinton.

Agencies

(Now the FULL story)

Obama Overstates Kennedys' Role in Helping His Father

By Michael Dobbs
Sunday, March 30, 2008;

Addressing civil rights activists in Selma, Ala., a year ago, Sen. Barack Obama traced his "very existence" to the generosity of the Kennedy family, which he said paid for his Kenyan father to travel to America on a student scholarship and thus meet his Kansan mother.
The Camelot connection has become part of the mythology surrounding Obama's bid for the Democratic presidential nomination. After Caroline Kennedy endorsed his candidacy in January, Newsweek commentator Jonathan Alter reported that she had been struck by the extraordinary way in which "history replays itself" and by how "two generations of two families -- separated by distance, culture and wealth -- can intersect in strange and wonderful ways."
It is a touching story -- but the key details are either untrue or grossly oversimplified.
Contrary to Obama's claims in speeches in January at American University and in Selma last year, the Kennedy family did not provide the funding for a September 1959 airlift of 81 Kenyan students to the United States that included Obama's father. According to historical records and interviews with participants, the Kennedys were first approached for support for the program nearly a year later, in July 1960. The family responded with a $100,000 donation, most of which went to pay for a second airlift in September 1960.
Obama spokesman Bill Burton acknowledged yesterday that the senator from Illinois had erred in crediting the Kennedy family with a role in his father's arrival in the United States. He said the Kennedy involvement in the Kenya student program apparently "started 48 years ago, not 49 years ago as Obama has mistakenly suggested in the past."
The real story of Barack Obama Sr.'s arrival in the United States and the subsequent Kennedy involvement in the airlifts of African students sheds light on the highly competitive presidential election of 1960 and Africa's struggle to free itself from colonialism, as well as the huge strides made by the Obama family, which has gone in two generations from herding goats in the hills of western Kenya to the doors of the White House.
In his speech commemorating the 42nd anniversary of the Selma civil rights march, Sen. Obama linked his father's arrival in the United States with the turmoil of the civil rights movement. Although the airlift occurred before John F. Kennedy became president, Obama said that "folks in the White House" around President Kennedy were looking for ways to counter charges of hypocrisy and "win hearts and minds all across the world" at a time when America was "battling communism."
"So the Kennedys decided 'we're going to do an airlift,' " Obama continued. " 'We're going to go to Africa and start bringing young Africans over to this country and give them scholarships to study so they can learn what a wonderful country America is.' This young man named Barack Obama got one of those tickets and came over to this country. He met this woman whose great-great-great-great-grandfather had owned slaves. . . . So they got together and Barack Obama Jr. was born."
A more accurate version of the story would begin not with the Kennedys but with a Kenyan nationalist leader named Tom Mboya, who traveled to the United States in 1959 and 1960 to persuade thousands of Americans to support his efforts to educate a new African elite. Mboya did not approach the Kennedys for financial support until Obama Sr. was already studying in Hawaii.
Mboya, a charismatic politician, was assassinated in 1969. His daughter Susan, now living in Ohio, said the mass airlifts of Kenyan students to the United States had a "huge" impact on the young African nation, which gained its independence from Britain in 1963. She cited a University of Nairobi study that showed that 70 percent of top Kenyan officials after independence, including Obama Sr., were products of the American program.
In the late 1950s, there was no university in Kenya, and educational opportunities for Africans were limited. The British colonial government opposed Mboya's efforts to send talented young Kenyans to the United States for an education, arguing that there was a perfectly good university, Makerere College, in neighboring Uganda. The U.S. State Department supported the British and turned down Mboya's requests for assistance.
During his 1959 trip to the United States, the 29-year-old Mboya raised enough money for scholarships for 81 young Kenyans, including Obama Sr., with the help of the African-American Students Foundation. Records show that almost 8,000 individuals contributed. Early supporters included baseball star Jackie Robinson, who gave $4,000, and actors Harry Belafonte and Sidney Poitier.

There was enormous excitement when the Britannia aircraft took off for New York with the future Kenyan elite on board. After a few weeks of orientation, the students were dispatched to universities across the United States to study subjects that would help them govern Kenya after the departure of the British. Obama Sr. was interested in economics and was sent to Hawaii, where he met, and later married, a Kansas native named Ann Dunham. Barack Jr. was born in August 1961.
Among the other students on the first airlift was Philip Ochieng, who went on to become a prominent Kenyan journalist. In a 2004 article for the Nation, Kenya's leading newspaper, Ochieng remembered Obama Sr. as "charming, generous and extraordinarily clever," but also "imperious, cruel and given to boasting about his brain and his wealth." Obama Jr. paints a similar portrait in his best-selling 1995 autobiography, "Dreams From My Father," describing his father as exceptionally gifted but also "wild," "boastful" and "stubborn."
After the success of the first student airlift, Mboya decided to expand the program in 1960 and to include students from neighboring African countries. This time, he raised $250,000 for 256 students. Universities and colleges promised scholarships worth $1,600,000, but Mboya still needed money for the airlift itself. His American friends suggested that he approach Sen. John F. Kennedy, who had just launched his presidential campaign. In addition to chairing a Senate subcommittee on Africa, Kennedy controlled the Joseph P. Kennedy Jr. Foundation, named after his older brother who was killed in World War II.
The two men met at the Kennedy compound at Hyannis Port, Mass., on July 26, 1960. Kennedy later said that the family was initially "reluctant" to support the program because of other commitments but eventually agreed to provide $100,000 because it was impossible to raise the funds elsewhere.
Stephen Plotkin, an archivist at the John F. Kennedy Presidential Library in Boston, said a search of the records did not turn up any evidence that the Kennedy family supported the 1959 airlift.
Vice President Richard M. Nixon, determined not to be outdone by his Democratic rival for the White House, persuaded the State Department to drop its long-standing refusal to fund the program. The head of the Nixon campaign "truth squad," Sen. Hugh Scott, accused Kennedy of attempting to "outbid the U.S. government" in a "misuse of tax-exempt foundation money for blatant political purposes." Kennedy responded by accusing the Nixon campaign of "the most unfair, distorted and malignant attack that I have heard in 14 years in politics."
The former executive director of the African-American Students Foundation, Cora Weiss, said some of the money provided by the Kennedys was used to pay off old debts and subsidize student stipends. Even though Obama Sr. arrived the previous year, he and other members of the 1959 cohort benefited indirectly from Kennedy family support.
According to a letter on file in the Mboya papers at Stanford University's Hoover Institution, "most" of Obama Sr.'s early expenses in the United States were covered by an international literacy expert named Elizabeth Mooney Kirk, who had traveled widely in Kenya. Kirk wrote to Mboya in May 1962 to request additional funds to "sponsor Barack Obama for graduate study, preferably at Harvard." She said she would "like to do more" to assist the young man but had two stepchildren ready for college.
Susan Mboya credits the student airlifts with helping to make Kenya "an island of stability in a region rocked by turmoil" until very recently. "We were fortunate in having a lot of highly educated people who were able to come back and take over the government after the British left," she said. Products of the airlift project included Africa's first female Nobel Peace Prize winner, the environmentalist Wangari Maathai.
Obama's Selma speech offers a very confused chronology of both the Kenya student program and the civil rights movement. Relating the story of how his parents met, Obama said: "There was something stirring across the country because of what happened in Selma, Alabama, because some folks are willing to march across a bridge. So they got together and Barack Obama Junior was born. So don't tell me I don't have a claim on Selma, Alabama."
After bloggers pointed out that the Selma bridge protest occurred four years after Obama's birth, a spokesman explained that the senator was referring to the civil rights movement in general, rather than any one event.
Obama Sr. never quite lived up to his enormous potential. He achieved his dream of studying at Harvard after graduating from the University of Hawaii. He divorced Dunham in 1963 and married another woman.
He returned to Kenya and became a close aide to Mboya, a fellow Luo tribesman, at the Ministry of Economic Development. According to his old "drinking buddy" Ochieng, he antagonized other officials with his "boasting," was "excessively fond of Scotch" and ended up in poverty "without a job." He got into frequent car accidents, one of which led to the amputation of both his legs. He was killed in another car accident, in 1982, at the age of 46.

Special correspondent Michael Zielenziger in Stanford, Calif., contributed to this report.

Confronting the enemny that is 'Tribalism' (Phillip Ochieng, Nation Newspaper Feb 10 2008)

2008-02-10T14:04:00.000+03:00

(The madness of 'tribalism')

For years, Kenyans have clamoured for laws better than the present ones. But, surely, there must be some good laws among the existing ones. What can be better than the one which states that a Kenyan can live in any part of Kenya?
It is a crime for a Taita to prevent a Teso from putting up a home in Taitaland, unless the Teso has acquired the land illegally. Yet that is precisely the law that we are now so busy breaking. Kenyans are chasing Kenyans with the civility of a cheetah pursuing a gazelle in the Maasai Mara.
WHAT CAN IT MEAN? SURELY, THIS – THAT THE “betterness” of a piece of law lies not in its wording but only in whether it is achieving its purpose. There are two ways in which it can do this. One is through the police – both to prevent flouting and to punish flouters.
But by far the cheaper and more effective one is to obviate the need for policing. Why waste resources -- which might be direly needed in vastly more important social areas -- on what Dostoyevsky called Crime and Punishment?
It is important to catch felons and bring them to book. Yet this can deal only with “manual crime.” But, as Jacob Bronowski remarks in The Ascent of Man, the hand is not an independent agent. The hand is merely “? the cutting edge of the mind?”
It is the mind that instigates the crimes that we commit, including the chauvinism which leads you to attack your neighbour on account of his ethnic affiliation. The upshot is that, in the war on crime, mental education is a hundred times more effective than a hundred manacles.
The chief failing of all our upbringing – including the classroom formality that we claim to be “education” – is that it does not attempt to remove from our minds any of the groundless assumptions, sentiments and thoughts that we hold against one another as ethnic communities.
THE CHIEF CULPRITS ARE OUR PARENTS, OUR teachers, our priests and – by the favouritism with which they hire and fire – our government officials. If these are members of our most “educated” elite, how can we expect our mass of peasants and proletarians to know any better?
That is why it is not surprising that, as we cut one another’s throats, most of us clamour merely for a greater police presence.
The police may have prevented much of what has happened. They may arrest us and the courts may sentence us to stiff punishment.
But they cannot arrest and detain or jail the parochialism that hag-rides us as races, tribes, genders and religions. It is not their duty. Appalling is the revelation, since December 27, that, since independence, Kenyans have not moved even a flea-hop in the direction of mental education, uplift and refinement.
Nothing is more embarrassing than to listen to PhDs from one community, seated at the counter of a pub, uttering the most fetid drivel about other tribes. They demand “revolutionary changes” in the body politic but only if these changes are manned by members of their tribe. At the counter – that’s why I call them counter-revolutionaries.
FOR IT IS THEY WHO OUGHT TO PLAY THE VANGUARD role in our seemingly insuperable task of creating a single national mind out of a conglomeration of disparate ethnic minds. Yet since December 27, I have not seen even a single suggestion from the academic community that tribalism is our national bane number one – leave alone how to tackle it.
If our professors are the ones who have created this straitjacket of thought during the 43 years in which we have been independent – probably uttering the bosh in front of their co-tribal students – how could we possibly have avoided December 27 and its aftermath? I ask you, my brothers and sisters: Is this what is called intellectual leadership?
The government says glibly that, economically, we have grown by six per cent. But I would be much prouder to hear that we have grown even by one per cent in our mentality, in our national awareness, in our sense of justice in governance, in our dedication to skill and experience alone when hiring cadres.
No, December 27 has not intensified our parochialism. It has merely removed the outer coating of our small-mindedness. It has merely laid us bare. It has merely made us the laughing stock among the comity of nations.
But, clearly, we cannot blame it on any absence of law or any shortage of policemen. We can blame it only on the refusal by our government and other institutions of moral upbringing to face tribalism full-throttle, to hound the behemoth by every weapon to us, till we slay it.

The Mboya Obama Kennedy link (Courtesy The Guardian)

2008-02-05T18:11:00.001+03:00

(Obama on the campaign trail: the Kenyan flag)

(Mboya at Kenya Independence ceremony)

(Mboya and Kennedy)

The other Obama-Kennedy connection

How a Kenyan airlift that brought a young scholar named Obama to America in 1960 - where he met a wife and fathered a son - was saved by a young senator from Massachusetts.

Elana Schor in WashingtonThursday January 10, 2008Guardian Unlimited

A woman holds a Kenyan flag as Barack Obama greets supporters in Austin, Texas.

In his command of the US political stage over the past year, Barack Obama has inspired many a comparison to John F Kennedy. Both young senators brought a lofty message, an appealing young family and a movie-star aura to the presidential race. But the two men forged a less known link - before Obama was even born.
The bond began with Kenyan labour leader Tom Mboya, an advocate for African nationalism who helped his country gain independence in 1963. In the late 1950s, Mboya was seeking support for a scholarship program that would send Kenyan students to US colleges - similar to other exchanges the US backed in developing nations during the Cold War with the Soviet Union. Mboya appealed to the state department. When that trail went cold, he turned to then-senator Kennedy.

Kennedy, who chaired the senate subcommittee on Africa, arranged a $100,000 grant through his family's foundation to help Mboya keep the program running.
"It was not a matter in which we sought to be involved," Kennedy said in an August 1960 senate speech. "Nevertheless, Mr Mboya came to see us and asked for help, when none of the other foundations could give it, when the federal government had turned it down quite precisely. We felt something ought to be done."

One of the first students airlifted to America was Barack Obama Sr, who married a white Kansas native named Ann Dunham during his US studies. Their son, born in 1961 and named for his father, has only once mentioned his Kennedy connection on the campaign trail.

"[T]he Kennedys decided: 'We're going to do an airlift,'" senator Obama said during a March speech in Selma, Alabama. "We're going to go to Africa and start bringing young Africans over to this country and give them scholarships to study so they can learn what a wonderful country America is. This young man named Barack Obama [Sr] got one of those tickets and came over to this country."

Many of the airlifted students worked their way up to elite universities in America before returning to help Kenya adjust to independence, and Obama Sr was no exception. He left the family to take a Harvard scholarship when the young Obama was only 2 years old, beginning the future presidential candidate's remarkable personal journey to Indonesia, New York and Chicago and Capitol Hill.

"Obama is hailed in Kenya as one of the great results of the airlift," said Cora Weiss, who led the US group that helped Mboya organise the airlift. At a recent reception for alumni of the program, she recalled, one Kenyan journalist made a rousing toast to the student exchange that produced "the next president of the United States". Thanks to a bizarre twist in the airlift saga, Kennedy ended up discussing his Obama connection much more openly than Obama mentions the late president's role in his life.

The bitterly fought presidential campaign of 1960 pitted Kennedy against Richard Nixon, then the vice president, who tried to steal his opponent's thunder by winning state department money for the airlift before the Kennedy family's grant could go through. A thoroughly modern political scuffle erupted over who would claim credit for supporting Obama's father and the other Kenyan students. Kennedy ultimately prevailed.

Joel Barkan, an Africa scholar at the Centre for Strategic and International Studies, said Kennedy's gift to Kenya helped forge a relationship with America that has remained strong for decades.

"There's no other African country where there is such admiration for the US ... There has always been a disproportionate number of Kenyan students in America to study. Their children come here, their grandchildren come here," Barkan said.
Kenyan environmentalist Wangari Maathai, winner of the 2004 Nobel peace prize, also studied in America thanks to the airlift.

Obama has made his own offering to Kenya in recent days, as a tide of violence unleashed by disputed election results threatens to topple one of Africa's most stable governments. In the midst of his grinding campaign schedule, the Illinois senator taped a radio message urging an end to the fighting and reached out personally to opposition leader Raila Odinga and Kenyan president Mwai Kibaki.

Strangely, the same weight of political dynasty that Obama is seeking to lift in America - putting a name other than Bush or Clinton in the White House - links the senator to both sides in the current Kenyan struggle.

Odinga stood beside Obama during stops on the latter's Kenyan homecoming in 2006, and the Kenyan presidential hopeful claimed on Tuesday to be a cousin of the US candidate. Odinga is also tied to airlift organiser Mboya, who was a political rival of his father during the 1960s.
All of the men belong to the Kenyan Luo tribe, which takes a particular pride in senator Obama's astounding rise in America. But the jubilation at the Obama victory in Iowa has been matched by anger at president Kibaki, a member of the Kikuyu tribe. The election was called for Kibaki on December 27 despite strong evidence on the ground of an Odinga win, prodding both sides to bloody clashes and riots that have killed as many as 1000 people, according to opposition estimates.

"Before the Kenya elections occurred ... there was a popular question circulating among Kenyan intellectuals: 'Which country will be first to have a Luo president, Kenya or the United States?'" wrote Dr Ali Mazrui, a Kenyan academic who directs the global studies program at Binghamton university in New York.

"The question was only half in jest," Mazrui added. "Raila Odinga supporters are now convinced Kenya would have been the first, but for the electoral fraud by Kibaki supporters."
Meanwhile, Kibaki has asserted his own tie to the White House race: he recalls working with the elder Obama in the Kenyan planning ministry in the 1970s, after the senator's father returned home following the airlift.

While a spokesman for the Obama campaign declined to comment further on Kennedy's role in the airlift, the senator discussed the instability in Kenya with reporters in New Hampshire on primary day.

"[I]t's important to me, obviously, because my father was from there, and I still have family that lives there," Obama said, according to the pool transcript. "I think it's important to the United States as well, though. Kenya is, has been a stable democratic government in a region that, uh, you know could end up being a base for, you know, terrorist activity, for ethnic violence that results in refugees. It could be very destabilising if the violence there is not contained."
Weiss, the airlift organiser who now leads the Hague Appeal for Peace campaign, has begun researching how many members of the newly elected Kenyan parliament are alumni of the exchange program.

"Airlift students became the nation builders of the new Kenya and a handful of other countries in Africa," Weiss said, adding: "It was all because of Tom Mboya's vision. If it helped to produce the next president of the US, hooray."

'de-tribalize yourself'

2008-02-04T02:35:00.000+03:00

(picture: the 1,000 foot drop to the floor of Suguta valley. Home to the Pokot)

Why is it that we do the ‘musical chairs’ whenever the issue of tribalism arises. Even after seeing its devastating effects in full colour for weeks through various media we still can’t seem to put our ‘finger’ on the button. I have read my brain full, scoured documents and articles from media and the web. Still, I puzzle over us. An article on Rwanda, please read it here:

http://www.grandslacs.net/doc/2812.pdf

about the ‘Mutual genocide’ in Rwanda in the 90’s is insightful. Released by the ‘The International Center of Peace And Conflicts Reconciliation Initiative for Africa (ICPCRIA), it seeks to explore the root cause of the Rwandan conflicts and its possible remedies.

I am reluctant to delve into this topic actually because while I see the complications and contradictions in trying to unravel the root cause of the chaos that has engulfed us I also see a very simple solution.

De-tribalize yourself. That’s all there is to it. That does not mean you will cease to be from an ethnic community or practice your customs. What I intend it to mean is that we (you and I) must divorce ourselves from focusing on the ethic divisions among us as Kenyans and instead see all that unites us and agree as individuals, communities, regions and indeed as a nation that we are much better off united than divided.

Ultimately, my argument can be better versed in the words of the Apostle Paul when he says, ‘for who makes you different from anyone else, what do you have that you did not receive, and if you did receive it why do you boast as though you did not’,

None of us determined (or pre-) who we would be? Nor what clan we would belong to, nor what ethnic group, nor even what race. So what are we all arguing about anyway?

How much better can a Luo be than a Kikuyu? Or worse, or a Kalenjin from a Maasai or a Kamba from a Kisii or a Luyha? How much richer or poorer and ultimately so what?

We are all individuals thrown together in this ‘State’ called Kenya. Maybe our beef is that we didn’t want to be together. Okay. So what do we do now? Split up? Into how many pieces? Will that improve our condition? Then we may get to fighting about which clan or family is better or richer and simply move the argument to a different plane and take up our arms from there.

Really what I’m trying to say is that the only losers are US. And what’s the point of that.

Back to the beginning……. From the time of Kenya’s independence we became two things almost at one. A state (Republic) that is a self governing entity, and a Nation, a tightly-knit group of people which share a common culture. So in effect we are now supposedly a ‘Nation-State’ which is a nation which has the same borders as a State.

Or something like that.

We can blame colonialism all we like, or blame our own ignorance as a young independent nation, or the deviousness and malice of our early leaders but somehow we ended up systematically and deliberately weakening the very institutions that could and should have educated us on what Nations are and how they function. The result of this is that as we went along we became more polarized as ethnic communities and as such much more susceptible to the machinations of the increasingly corrupt political elite.

Unfortunately for the Kikuyu community, they as a group have inherited that dubious tag of being the group that initiated this moral regression because the Government at the time was largely controlled by a Kikuyu elite.

Other communities watched as various other factors combined to endow the Kikuyu with a clear economic advantage. Because of the perception that this advantage was gained more by political manipulation of Kenya’s economic opportunities a disproportionate fixation with politics took hold.

As time went on, we, the nation, instead of gaining an identity, lost our values. Money and power became the tools of trade to be negotiated fought over and killed where need be.

After the 1960’s Kikuyu elite sidelined Jaramogi and killed Mboya they inadvertently set a dangerous precedent that is still haunting us today. The Luo may visibly have recovered from these setbacks but are collectively traumatized nonetheless. This same impunity allowed them (the elite) to even take the life of their own who threatened the status quo, JM Kariuki.

In Moi’s time the Kikuyu were pacified while the Kalenjin set about creating their own political elite through largely the same though somewhat more sophisticated methods. But when the going got tough they resorted to the same brutal methods, hence the murder of Dr Robert Ouko. Yet another casualty for the Luo psyche.

During this period the ruling Kalenjin elite perfected the art of pacifying (read carrot and stick approach) any discontented or belligerent groups through what they learnt from the previous elite. In particular the single, simplest ‘carrot’ was land or the allocation thereof.

This flaw in the constitution empowered the executive to do what in my opinion may have caused more destruction to the fabric of Kenyan society than anything else. The ‘Ndungu report’ testifies to the absolute chaos that irresponsible land allocation has caused.

Meanwhile it was not lost on other smaller ethic communities that the quickest way to improve their lot would be to combine ‘forces’ to improve their bargaining position with the Government of the day, hence the revival of ‘Gema’ and the formation of the ‘Kamatusa’ group.

In the early 80’s a loose group of Luo and Kikuyu ‘old’ guard, disenchanted with the Moi regime staged a coup that was poorly executed and put down with not much difficulty. This though brought a new angle to the institutionalized corruption as the Kalenjin then sought to consolidate their grip on power and in the process subverted most of the institutions of Government.

Mega corruption became the order of the day. Dissent was not tolerated. Kenyans collectively as both individuals and communities suffered indignity and humiliation perpetrated by the ‘State’. As this culture became entrenched state resources, economic opportunity and hard cash went to the highest bidder and or the politically expedient groups or individuals. This period also witnessed unprecedented inflation and the attendant increase in the ratio of disparity between rich and poor further entrenching the perception, somewhat justified, that executive power was the ticket to ethnic/community empowerment.

By the end of the eighties, waning popularity and disillusionment from the masses allowed for the re-introduction of multi party politics. Again this was headed by a Kikuyu, Luo alliance, yet carrying with it a large portion of all other ethnic groups in the country. Moi probably rigged the 1992 election and with the two largest voting blocks going their own way in 1997 Kenya was ensured of another five years of economic hemorrhage.

Come 2002 and Kenya was prepared for change. Again it took an alliance of communities to create a loose coalition that took the battle to Moi and Kanu. That same Kanu of old now facing a collection of its own prodigal brood. A fallout in Kanu and the spoils to the new alliance (party) NARC swept Moi out of power and with it, thought Kenyans, the old order.

Under an MOU (whatever that is) Kenyans ushered in a new order that spelt freedom and prosperity and a reversal of fortunes for the poor and needy. This was not to be. As they say, ‘old habits die hard’. The MOU (needless to say, the masses did not see it or know its contents) was trashed early enough partly because Kibaki was in poor health and his lieutenants took the cue to make up for lost opportunities in the traditional Kenyan way.

Circa 2007 and were back to where we started, Kikuyu (Gema) on one side and Luo, Kamatusa on the other, but a flawed election between them and bloodshed. Plenty of bloodshed and very little sense.

This is what we need to talk about. These are the cards that we need to put on the table. This is why we MUST have a properly constituted, credible and expansively mandated ‘Truth and Reconciliation process’ (a committee or commission) that will allow Kenyans of all walks of life to come out openly, without fear and voice their concerns, their anger and bitterness. Their frustration and pain, their sorrow and loss. This and this alone will pave the way to the regaining of our values and the creation of a Kenyan identity and ultimately the healing of the Kenyan psyche and the growth of a real not merely convenient, ‘Nation’.

There is much more in terms of injustices real or perceived that need to be brought out. Massacres, killings, economic sabotage, corruption, poverty, favoritism and all other manner of anti social vices that we as Kenyans have committed against each other.

Ultimately this process should lead to the strengthening and re establishment of institutions that will give Kenyans the means to deal with issues about our Nationhood so that we come together instead of tear apart.

How we will deal with the immediate devastation that has befallen us is harder. To ask those who have lost loved ones and been terrorized on account of their ethnicity to forgive is a tough call. Yet the perpetrators of the violence be it spontaneous or organized are already known to the victims and will eventually come to light. Their shallowness is evident in that they seem to think that they and their families (because they do have them) can exist in a perpetual state of anarchy and commit atrocities against fellow Kenyans (indeed any humans) without retribution.

A stop to the violence is a prerequisite for any meaningful dialogue to deliver a political solution to the crisis. Hopefully this will include a period of stability that will allow for any Constitutional changes that may be required and the enactment of legislation to explore the flawed elections and reconstitute the Electoral Commission of Kenya.

To me it’s a foregone conclusion. We must save our country because it’s the only one we have. We must also save it, because we can. Kenya is only viable as one ‘State’ and one ‘Nation’. Much as we need to re examine our history to discover ourselves it is clear that the significance of Kenya both economically and politically to the continent of Africa and its future behooves us to dig deep within ourselves and pull together. If we don’t owe it to ourselves, we owe it to our children.

Lucas mboya

Roots of a crisis

2008-02-04T01:44:00.001+03:00

Kenya: roots of crisis
by Gérard Prunier

(picture of Mboya with Markham Singh)

To many people in the world - and even to many Kenyans themselves itself - the violence which followed the elections in Kenya on 27 December 2007 has come as a surprise. Unfortunately, it shouldn’t have. The combination of economic and ethno-political factors in Kenya had created an explosive mix which was just waiting for the right - or rather “wrong” - circumstances to explode. The 2002 elections had been a lucky near-miss; this time, the favourable configuration that operated then did not repeat itself.

Kenya’s “democratic” politics

To understand the Kenyan crisis in the context of its national, regional and global situation, it is necessary to examine the regime which followed independence in 1963. Britain’s withdrawal from the country had taken place amidst a considerable fear that the Mau Mau anti-colonial insurrection of 1952-1960 might impinge upon the politics of the new state and lead to further violence. Nothing of the sort happened - partly because of the elevation to the presidency of the leader of the nationalist movement Jomo Kenyatta, who once in power swerved from radical nationalism to conservative bourgeois politics.

Kenyatta was a Kikuyu (or Gikuyu) and the enigmatic Mau Mau movement had largely been a Kikuyu phenomenon (most of the 12,000 rebels or “suspects” killed by colonial forces in a brutal campaign were Kikuyu). This had caused the British wrongly to conclude that Kenyatta was the leader of the Mau Mau. But in any case, on becoming president Kenyatta - head of the Kenya African National Union (Kanu) in an effectively one-party state - embraced extreme tribalistic politics and packed the new “Kenyan” bourgeoisie he promoted with Kikuyu and members of related tribes such as the Embu and the Meru. At the time of his death in 1978 most of the country’s wealth and power was in the hands of the organisation which grouped these three tribes: the Gikuyu-Embu-Meru Association (GEMA).

Kenya has forty-eight tribes, with three - the Kikuyu, the Luo and the Luhyia - together representing almost 65% of the population. Meanwhile, the GEMA tribes during Kenyatta’s time (1963-78) composed perhaps 30% of Kenyans, almost all concentrated in the highlands of the central province. These figures meant that in order to square the ethno-political circle in Kenya, power-brokers had to forge deals between the three big groups and somehow relate to the shifting gaggle occupying the fourth corner.

In Kenyatta’s time the deal was simple: the Kikuyu and their smaller relatives, after making an agreement with the minority tribes, ran everything. The Luo, who eventually tried to challenge this ordering, were forcefully marginalised as the prudent Luhyia looked on. After Kenyatta died in 1978, his vice-president Daniel arap Moi - who was from the Kalenjin minority tribe - inherited the mantle of power on the understanding that he would not upset the arrangement designed to keep the two other large tribes (and particularly the Luo) out of power.

But Daniel arap Moi proceeded to use his new status to cleverly divide his Kikuyu allies (amongst them the man who would be his successor as president, Mwai Kibaki), so as progressively to sideline them. By 1986, Moi had concentrated all the power - and most of its attendant economic benefits - into the hands of his Kalenjin tribe and of a handful of allies from minority groups (see Peter Kimani, “A past of power more than tribe in Kenya’s turmoil”, 2 January 2008).

But Kikuyu ascendancy had been reined in only, not destroyed. Under Jomo Kenyatta, the Kikuyu - claiming martyr status for their sufferings during the Mau-Mau “emergency”, and relying on tacit government support - had spread beyond their traditional territorial homelands and “repossessed lands stolen by the whites” - even when these had previously belonged to other tribes. Thus Kikuyu “colonists” had fanned out all over Kenya, often creating strong rural antagonisms.

Kenyatta’s successor, Daniel arap Moi, used a consummate juggler’s skill to keep the ethno-political balance working in his favour. At the same time, the first two multi-party elections after other movements emerged to challenge Kanu (in 1992 and 1997) were occasions for carefully state-managed ethnic violence designed to achieve two objectives: keep the dangerous Kikuyu underfoot, and pit the Kalenjin’s minority allies against each other in order better to control them.

By the time of the 2002 election, however, the system had run its course: foreign donors were alienated, President Moi (having ruled for twenty-four years) was getting old, and a “democratic” opposition was gaining momentum. But if everybody agreed on the principle of ridding Kenya of its Kalenjin-based authoritarian state, the question of who and what would be the replacement remained open.Moi had a brainwave: he thought that the best way for him to maintain his influence over politics after leaving the presidency would be to pick as the governing party candidate Kenyatta’s own son, Uhuru. This artful move, Moi calculated, would rally the Kikuyu behind a prestigious but empty symbol (Uhuru was not overly bright and his name spoke louder than his personality). But the stratagem backfired completely and the opposition united behind the veteran Kikuyu politician, Mwai Kibaki, thus creating a unique situation in which both leading candidates were Kikuyu.

In other ways, however, they were very different: one embodied the ghost of yesterday’s near-dictatorship while the other was seen as offering the hope of a democratic opening. This contrast felicitously de-ethnicised the election, turning it into a contest between the old and the new. At the time Raila Odinga, the leading Luo politician, tirelessly campaigned for Kibaki and deployed his tribal followers behind a man who - albeit a Kikuyu and a Kikuyu with a past - was seen as the candidate for change. The economic stagnation of previous years meant that many of the expectations that were invested in Kibaki were of an economic nature: Kibaki, it was hoped, would restart the economy and then proceed to share out its benefits more equally.

The Kibaki administration

Mwai Kibaki was elected president in December 2002 with over 62% of the vote. The country’s foreign backers were only too quick to salute the polls as “a triumph for democracy”. In a way they were right - the polls had been free and fair, and the candidate for change had been elected. But in another way this was a hasty form of wishful thinking because the ostensible “de-tribalisation” of the election had been due more to a series of fortuitous coincidences than to a real decline in the appeal of ethnic politics.

The key words in the campaign, however, had been “hope” and “change”, and to some extent the new Kibaki administration managed to deliver the goods. The economy did pick up and Kenya witnessed a spectacular economic recovery, largely based on Keynesian economic recipes and helped by a favourable international environment.

This can be illustrated by the annual rate of growth in 2002-07, which reveals a gradual improvement from -1.6 % in 2002 to 2.6% by 2004, 3.4 in 2005, and an estimated 5.5% in 2007. But this was only one side of the economic coin. Social inequalities also increased; the fruits of economic growth went disproportionately to the already well-off (and, among those, to the Kikuyu well-off); and corruption reached new heights, matching some of the excesses of the Moi years. When John Githongo, the man appointed by President Kibaki to fight corruption, blew the whistle in January 2005, he had to flee to Britain in fear of his life (see Michael Holman, “Kenya: chaos and responsibility”, 3 January 2007). Githongo is himself a Kikuyu, and his denunciation of a massive series of financial scandals in which hundreds of millions of dollars had vanished was seen as a betrayal of his tribe as well as of the government he served.

Moreover, the security situation in Kenya deteriorated steadily in these years, with the ordinary people bearing the brunt of a triple process:

* a growing wave of routine crime in urban areas
* rival agrarian claims leading to pitched battles between ethnic groups fighting for land, particularly around Mount Elgon and in Kisii
* a running feud between the police and the Mungiki sect, which left over 120 people dead in May-November 2007 alone.

Mungiki is a bizarre cross between pre-Christian Kikuyu neo-traditionalism and an extortionist gang. The sect ran protection rackets on the matatu (collective taxi) routes, helping it to prosper among the poorest urban neighbourhoods and among the landless-peasant squatters in central province; it also has a tradition of hiring its muscle-boys to political candidates during election campaigns. In 2002, the Mungiki had backed the losing Uhuru Kenyatta camp. This cost it dearly in terms of political clout, and it had desperately tried to recover the lost ground by intensifying its terroristic hold on the slum population and on the matatu owners.

The accumulating result of these various processes was a feeling of deep dissatisfaction - not so much with President Kibaki as a person but with his entourage, with his robbing cronies, and with his incapacity to sympathise and do something about the plight of poor Kenyans (made all the more shocking by the level of economic growth the country was enjoying). Raila Odinga, the candidate of the Orange Democratic Movement (ODM), was then able to capitalise on that frustration in a way that fused various types of motivation:

* ethnic (the Kikuyu have grabbed everything and all the other tribes have lost)
* political (Kibaki betrayed his promise for change)
* social (crime and violence are out of control)
* economic (what is the point of economic growth when it does not bring any benefits to the ordinary citizen).

As the electoral campaign neared its climax in December 2007, the ODM opposition enjoyed a widespread lead in opinion polls and seemed ready to sweep Kibaki’s Party of National Unity (PNU) out of power.

The December 2007 election

The election on 27 December 2007 was both a parliamentary and a presidential one. At the legislative level, 2,548 candidates from 108 parties were vying for 210 seats; at the presidential level, three candidates - the incumbent Mwai Kibaki , ODM leader Raila Odinga and former foreign minister Kalonzo Musyoka (who had split from the ODM) - were competing.

Everybody (including himself) knew that Kalonzo Musyoka had no chance of winning and that he was simply angling for the position of a strategic post-election ally who could sell his support to a probable minority victor in need of additional backing. Kalonzo Musyoka is a Kamba, and the Kamba - although closely related to the Kikuyu - had chosen the British camp during the Mau Mau emergency. This gives them a hybrid status in the Kenyan ethno-political landscape, in which they hold the capacity to swing either with the Kikuyu or against them.

The polls were a messy business for a number of reasons. The voters’ rolls had been poorly updated or at times not updated at all. Some dead people were still on the rolls and electors who had changed residence had not been properly struck off in one place and re-registered at their new address. The rules governing the help which could be given to illiterate voters (up to 80% of the electoral body in some remote constituencies) were poorly enforced. Foreign and national observers were not always given free access to the polling stations, and later to the ballots.
But all in all, the parliamentary segment of the election proceeded smoothly. The definitive results have not at the time of writing been officially posted, but a provisional tally (based on 181 out of 210 seats) is possible. Twenty-two parties won seats, although only four can be considered as “serious” (the eighteen others have between one and three MPs, sharing twenty-eight seats between them): :

* Raila Odinga’s ODM, which won ninety-two seats
* Mwai Kibaki’s PNU, which won thirty-four seats
* Kalonzo Musyoka’s splinter ODM-K, which won sixteen seats
* Uhuru Kenyatta’s Kanu, which won eleven seats.

The results speak for themselves: with 45% of the MPs, the opposition has a clear majority over the incumbent administration .

This is what makes the results of the presidential election definitely suspect. Kenya’s electoral commission (ECK) declared on 30 December that Kibaki had garnered 4,584,721 votes against 4,352,993 for his rival Raila Odinga, and immediately proceeded to inaugurate the incumbent president as the winner. This tight margin (little more than 230,000 votes, about 2.5% of those cast) is very fragile in view of the following facts.

In seventy-two of the constituencies, the figures on the ballot forms signed by the ECK returning officers and the agents of the candidates differ from the figures released by the national counting centre. At Ole Kalou constituency, for example, local ECK figures gave Mwai Kibaki 72,000 and Raila Odinga 5,000 out of 102,000 registered votes. But by the time the figures for that same constituency were released at the central level, Kibaki’s winning tally had jumped to 100,980 votes (i.e. 99% of the registered voters).

The pattern was repeated elsewhere. In Elmolo constituency, Kibaki was said by local ECK officials to have won by 50,145 votes, which then translated itself into 75,261 votes at the national level. In Kieni the discrepancy was between 54,337 (local level) and 72,054 (national tally). In various other constituencies (Lari, Kandara, Kerugoya) thousands more had “voted” in the presidential election than in the legislative one, even though the two ballots had been held concurrently .

All this points to a limited but widespread form of rigging which would not have had such catastrophic consequences had not the race been so closely contested. (After all, if several constituencies have probable rigging levels of 10,000-30,000 votes, there is no way a victory by 230,000 votes be considered solid.) On 1 January, Samuel Kivuitu - the respected chairman of the ECK - admitted : “I don’t know who won the election and I won’t know till I see the original records, which I can’t for now until the courts authorise it”.

It seems that what happened was that the Mwai Kibaki vote was artificially inflated rather than that Raila Odinga’s vote was tampered with. The evidence seems clear: even if gerrymandering had distorted the legislative vote vis-à-vis the presidential one (during the Moi years, the “enemy” Kikuyu constituencies had seen their demographic weight systematically eroded in this way), how could the pro-ODM trend at the parliamentary level turn itself into a contradictory support for the anti-ODM president? The possibility of such a split-personality vote is remote, as it requires that almost all those voting for minority parties would also have voted for Kibaki.

The bloody aftermath

The results of this manipulation have been disastrous. Almost as soon as the ECK hastily proclaimed Kibaki to be the winner, both the Nairobi slums and the western province exploded - the violence of the slum-dwellers reflecting their social frustration and the westerners’ arson-cum-machete attacks stemming from their hatred of the Kikuyu “colonists”. The political violence should thus be seen as both tribal and socio-economic; because, even if far from all Kikuyu are rich beneficiaries of the regime, many rich beneficiaries of the regime are Kikuyu. Such a situation recalls - especially for the Luo - the frustrations of the 1960s and 1970s.
The vote itself was primarily anti-establishment rather than crudely anti-Kikuyu, however: only six members of the cabinet survived the landslide, and many of the victims - including vice-president Moody Awori, planning minister Henry Obwocha, roads minister Simeon Nyachae, and tourism minister Moses Dzoro - were not Kikuyu. Even the few Luo or other westerners who were also PNU members lost their seats. Several Moi administration survivors - such as former minister Nicholas Biwott or Moi’s own son Gideon Moi - were also axed, often by nearly unknown candidates who took their seats with ease. This is one reason why the minority parties won so many seats: incumbency was a distinct liability and voters appeared ready to elect anybody who seemed ready to promote change.

It is when that trend towards long-awaited change appeared about to be blocked once more by the man who had already betrayed it after 2002 that violence exploded. The configuration of two relationships - Luo-Kikuyu, and Kikuyu with power - meant in the circumstances that it could not but be anti-Kikuyu. At the time of writing there have been at least 600 “official” deaths (as registered in hospitals and by other reliable sources); but this total is almost certainly an underestimate, especially if information from all the isolated rural areas where old scores are being settled were available.

While Luo have slaughtered Kikuyu settlers in their midst in the west, Mungiki thugs have rallied to the tribe and have been busy killing Luo in the Nairobi slums, hoping to ingratiate themselves with the big bosses of Kiambu, Nyeri and Murang’a. There are already as many as 250,000 internally-displaced persons (IDPs) and refugees (into Uganda). Factories are idle, many roads are closed, and food and humanitarian crises loom. In Uganda, Rwanda and the eastern DR Congo, the interruption of fuel supplies coming from Mombasa is threatening transport. Even Tanzania is beginning to feel the economic aftershocks of the disturbances. By a conservative estimate, the Kenyan economy is losing $30 million a day and the loss for the whole region - though anybody’s guess - must be far greater.

On 2 January 2008, President Kibaki announced that he was “ready to have a dialogue with the concerned parties”. This was a good start but, once more, the 76-year-old president seemed to be a prisoner of his past (and, perhaps, of his entourage). He stalled Desmond Tutu on the bishop’s arrival from South Africa in the effort to mediate (in contrast to Raila Odinga, who had immediately met Tutu); and when on 3 January attorney-general Amos Wako announced the creation of three committees designed to find a solution to the crisis (on peace and reconciliation, on the media aspects of the situation and on legal affairs), they were packed with burned-out politicians like Simeon Nyachae, Njenga Karume or George Saitoti, most of whom had just lost their seats in the election.

On 7 January, it is reported that Kibaki has invited Ghana’s president, John Kufuor, to re-engage in the mediation effort that was proposed as the violence first escalated; and that he has offered to create a government of national unity with the opposition which (an official statement says) “would not only unite Kenyans but would also help in the healing and reconciliation process”.

It is an artful departure from the boast of his precipitous acceptance speech of 30 December, when President Kibaki had declared: “Fellow Kenyans, you have given us a vote of confidence in the values and principles…that we began five years ago. You have chosen the leaders you wish to serve you during the next five years”.In the circumstances, the claim was neither truthful nor realistic. It is unclear whether Mwai Kibaki’s latest manoeuvres represent a genuine shift of position or a tactical adjustment to desperate conditions. In any case, the creation of a government of national unity is now the sole, albeit painful compromise available if Kenya’s violence is to be contained and some sort of progress beyond this nightmare made. After that, a just and truthful reckoning with what has happened in Kenya must be attempted.

Wikileaks on crisis in Kenya

2008-02-04T00:40:00.000+03:00

(picture: 50's newspaper 'East African Standard')

Wikleaks on the crisis in Kenya

An American Solution to the Kenyan Constitutional Crisis
Wikileaks EDITORIAL (Kenya)2008-01-23

Kenya is home to more than 70 ethnic groups of different origins but with a long history of interaction. Most were already here when the colonialists arrived towards the end of the nineteenth century. In pre-colonial times, these ethnic groups all had historical connections to groups outside present-day Kenya:

The pre-colonial peoples of Kenya
The ethnic groups making up the black African population represented in Kenya fall under four main language divisions:

The Bantu
The Western Nilotes
The Eastern and Southern Nilotes
The Cushites
The groups can further be broken down into so-called tribes. Tribalism is primitive in a Globalised world and has no place in Kenya today.

The Independent peoples of Kenya

The Constitution Of Kenya carries the definition of a Kenyan Citizen in Chapter V1. There is a clear definition of a KENYAN citizen and no reference whatsoever to any ethnic group. All ethnic groups are Kenyans and all are equal under the Constitution of Kenya. For Kenya’s black communities to see themselves as Kenyan, they must also learn to see the other communities as equally Kenyan too. Nonetheless sensitive issues remain, such as land and the economic, political and educational privileges historically enjoyed by certain communities.

Kenya is a Democracy

The word democracy comes from the Greek demokratia, from demos, ‘the people,’ and kratein, ‘to rule’, and it means simply ‘rule by the people’. Democracy in its broadest sense thus means a way of governing based on people’s consent or the ‘will of the people’. It stands for the welfare of all and for the common good. The basic rules of democracy include recognition of the fact that power belongs to the citizens and the importance of achieving the following goals:
the greatest possible freedom for all;

a just society;
the same rules for all;
equality before the law;
respect for the rule of law; and
equal opportunities for all.

In a democracy, people rule themselves either directly or indirectly through their representatives. In a democracy, a high degree of political legitimacy is therefore necessary, because the electoral process periodically divides the population into ‘winners’ and ‘losers’. A successful democratic political culture implies that the losing parties and their supporters accept the judgment of the voters, and allow for the peaceful transfer of power – the concept of a ‘loyal opposition’

There are various ways in which different societies and governments seek to achieve democracy as an ideal. In some cases, people are involved directly in making decisions about public affairs. In other cases, people choose representatives to act on their behalf.

In direct democracy, the people themselves directly express their will on public issues. Direct democracy can also be described as participatory democracy as it involves all citizens in making decisions on public matters. Each person is given the opportunity to take part in making public decisions directly. People do not need to delegate that right to another person – or a representative – who represents their choices.

The best example of participatory democracy is where citizens vote in a referendum. A referendum is a direct vote by all the citizens to decide on a political matter of national importance.

For instance, a referendum can be used to decide whether to adopt or reject a new constitution, as happened in Kenya in November 2005.

Since, it is practically impossible to gather all the citizens of Kenya together to play a part of government, the function of Government must be performed by a number of individuals smaller than the totality of its citizens. An election is the chief basis of political legitimacy. The General election is the platform that we use to select a few Kenyan citizens to the National Assembly in order to represent our interests and perform the function of Government. The Members of Parliament are elected by the Kenyan citizens to watch over their interests and to, either form or check Government.

This is indirect Democracy. In indirect democracy, people elect their representatives periodically to govern on their behalf and to specifically express people’s feelings on public issues. The state in this form of democracy is not directly governed by the people themselves but by their representatives. This form of democracy is practised in the modern nation-states because they are large in area and in population. Their structures and problems are also complex and varied. It is difficult to involve everybody in such a situation.

As a form of indirect democracy, representative democracy requires individuals to elect other persons to exercise power and make decisions on their behalf. A person exercises his or her power through a representative. Kenyans elect their representatives every five years to govern on their behalf and to specifically express people’s feelings on public issues.

But, a democratic Kenya cannot survive, unless the people of Kenya feel that they can affect their system of Government and see all their preferences enacted. Nothing could be more important. Power must at all times; be exercised by the citizens of the Republic of Kenya, rather than the president!. Power can only be exercised by the citizens where the will of the people is seen to be done.

The problem with this country, lies in the fact, that we as citizens have for 43 years been elevating unqualified citizens to public office. The risks we have taken have resulted in Incompetence and Greed! We are responsible for creating a breed of Kenyan politicians who are not at all serious about the electoral process and the meaning of the phrase political accountability.

These Politicians are not only low, uncouth, immoral individuals but also clearly visionless. These people have without any regard taken away one by one, all our Individual Rights guaranteed to all Kenyans under our Constitution in the pretext of exercising our mandate.

The Bill of Rights

The Constitution of Kenya under chapter V guarantees all Kenyans the Bill of Rights. NO ONE HAS THE POWER OR AUTHORITY BY LAW TO TAKE AWAY THESE RIGHTS FROM KENYANS. Any attempt to do so is unconstitutional, treasonable and punishable by death, as it amounts to a subversion of our Constitution.

Civil Rights upheld in the Constitution of Kenya

The right to life,
The right to personal freedom,
Protection against slavery and forced labour,
Protection from inhuman treatment,
Protection from property being taken away illegally,
Protection against illegal search or entry,
The right to the protection of the law,
Freedom of conscience,
Freedom of expression,
Freedom of association and assembly,
Freedom of movement, and
Freedom from discrimination.

This means that all Kenyans have—

Political freedom

hold your own views and talk about what you think and believe,
associate and meet with others, and
move freely without hindrance.
Economic freedom
the ability to own and use property,
the chance to work and provide for your livelihood, and
freedom from forced labour and slavery.
Social freedom
the fair treatment of all citizens,
no interference with one’s body, premises or private life, and
no inhuman treatment.

In a democracy, all people are seen as having been born equal and are treated equally before the law. Democracy rejects any form of discrimination among people and provides a framework for justice, fairness and equality. Justice is a set of rules that provide each person and/or groups in society with basic rights. These include:

Human rights,
The rule of law,
Economic justice, and
Gender equity.

The current Administration is abusing these rules even though Kenya has ratified several United Nations conventions on human rights, among them:

The International Convention on Civil and Political Rights;
The International Convention on Economic, Social, and Cultural Rights;
The Convention Against Torture and Other Cruel, Inhuman or Degrading Treatment or Punishment;
The Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination Against Women;
The Convention on the Rights of the Child.

The concept of the ‘rule of law’ is based on the idea of government by law. This means that no person is above the law. That is to say, all citizens (from the President to the lowliest Kenyan) are subject to and equal before the law. It means that no person can suffer punishment unless that person has broken the law and is rightly judged through the established judicial process. Leaders, too, must exercise their powers according to laid down law. Anybody who makes a decision must do so within the law.

For example:

The Constitution Of Kenya provides for freedom of assembly, and the government is bound by this rule. It cannot prevent a public meeting simply because it dislikes or disagrees with the views of those responsible for calling that meeting. Government officers must first obtain a court order before preventing a meeting from taking place.

Controlling the Abuse and exercise of political power

The state has legitimate power to control and influence actions within its borders. The principal organs (called arms of the government) through which the government exercises its powers are:

The Legislature: that makes policies and laws and also supervises the work of the Executive;
The Executive: that carries out the policies and laws passed by the Legislature; the institution that runs the government;

The Judiciary: that interprets and applies the laws passed by the Legislature and deals with any disputes that occur within the state.

The principle of separation of powers sets limits on the work of the Judiciary, the Legislature and the Executive. It provides the checks and balances that prevent misuse of power by any of the three arms of government. The principle of separation of powers requires that:

There should be the least possible overlap in the powers and functions of the different arms of government;
There should be no overlap of staff in the different arms of government;
No arm of government should interfere with the functions and work of any of the other arms; and
No arm of government should be more powerful than any of the others.
But is this the case in Kenya today? No it is not. Why?
Corruption
Checks and balances are mechanisms to make sure that no part of the government has too much power, or goes beyond its functions, and that each arm of the government can check the misuse of power by the other arms of the government.

Examples of the checks and balances contained in the Constitution of Kenya are:

The President, as head of the executive, can reject a Bill passed by Parliament, although Parliament may override the President’s decision with a second vote.
The Judiciary can cancel laws passed by Parliament if these laws are not in line with the Constitution.
The Judiciary can cancel any action by the Executive if this action is not in line with the law or with the rules of natural justice.
The Executive has to get permission, by asking Parliament to pass the national budget, to use public money for administration.
The President cannot dismiss a judge from office unless a tribunal has been appointed to investigate and recommend an action against the judge.

The act by Kibaki to steal the election and swear himself into Office was the ultimate Act of Corruption. That of Abuse of Power for personal gain. The check for this action would have been that the Judiciary can cancel any action by the Executive if this action is not in line with the law or with the rules of natural justice. But rather than this course of action the Judiciary swore Kibaki into Office, following his illegal declaration as winner of the Presidential Election. Here the principle of separation of powers between the executive and judicial functions of the government has not been applied leaving Kenyans with very few options.

Will it be Kenyans that set the democratic agenda?

A democracy represents the ‘will of the people” We went to the polls, voted peacefully and weeks later, we still do not know who won the election. What we do know is that Kenyans are killing Kenyans, the Police are killing Kenyans, The country is on fire and our Constitutions seems to have been suspended by Kibaki who seems to be ruling by decree! We have lost every single one of our Constitutional Rights. So, What is the way forward?

We declare ourselves Independent from Constitutional office bearers who have abused the Constitution and refuse to be governed by them by cutting all ties. How?

We try going the American Way. Drafted by Thomas Jefferson between June 11 and June 28, 1776, the Declaration of Independence is at once the nation’s most cherished symbol of liberty and Jefferson’s most enduring monument. Here, in exalted and unforgettable phrases, Jefferson expressed the convictions in the minds and hearts of the American people. The political philosophy of the Declaration was not new; its ideals of individual liberty had already been expressed by John Locke and the Continental philosophers. What Jefferson did was to summarize this philosophy in “self-evident truths” and set forth a list of grievances against the King in order to justify before the world the breaking of ties between the colonies and the mother country. The American Declaration of Independence, opens with a preamble describing the document’s necessity in explaining why the colonies have overthrown their ruler and chosen to take their place as a separate nation in the world. All men are created equal and there are certain unalienable rights that governments should never violate. These rights include the right to life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. When a government fails to protect those rights, it is not only the right, but also the duty of the people to overthrow that government. In its place, the people should establish a government that is designed to protect those rights. Governments are rarely overthrown, and should not be overthrown for trivial reasons. In this case, a long history of abuses led the colonists to overthrow a tyrannical government.

The president of Kenya, Mwai Kibaki, is guilty of very specific abuses. The President has interfered with Kenyans Constitutional rights to their Fundamental rights and for a fair judicial system. Acting with other Constitutional Office bearers (the Chief Justice, the Registrar of the High Court, the Chairman of the Electoral Commission of Kenya, the Attorney General, and the Heads of all the disciplined forces of the Republic) the President has unconstitutionally sworn himself in as President and is in office illegally. Acting with Constitutional Office bearers, the President has instituted legislation S.25A without the consent of Parliament that will affect the people of Kenya without their consent. This legislation allows appointees by the President to forgive and negotiate with individuals who have looted Kenyan tax payers money in a non transparent manner. Acting with Constitutional Officers , the President has given shoot to Kill orders against the People of Kenya to quash dissent. Acting with Constitutional Officers, the President has removed their right to judicial trial by courts, and prevented Kenyans from trading freely. Additionally, the President and the Police Commissioner are guilty of outright destruction of Kenyan life and property by their refusal to protect the Kenyan and their Fundamental rights to property and life. The president acting with Constitutional Officers has allowed foreign mercenaries to come to Kenya (some from Uganda) and threaten the security of the citizens.

The People of Kenya have tried to reach a peaceful reconciliation of these differences with the President and the constitutional offices, but are being continually ignored. International Mediators who have appealed to the President have been similarly ignored. despite their shared concern with Kenyans for their just cause. After many peaceful attempts, Kenyans have no choice but to declare independence from these Constitutional office bearers. The new nation will be called the ————and will incorporate the people driven Constitution the BOMAS DRAFT as the new Constitution of Kenya. The new government under this Constitution will reserve the right to levy war, make peace, make alliances with foreign nations, conduct trade, and do anything else that nations do.
Kibaki will have to go and will go- by whatever means necessary. Kenya will not have a Dictator. Never Again. We must restore Democracy in our Country at whatever cost. This is our Patriotic Duty that will protect Kenyan generations from Tyranny.

power vs influence (a look back at the politics of 1996) reflections of 2008

2008-01-20T18:43:00.000+03:00

Power Vs Influence.

:What Is Happening to Our Beautiful Country?

“For where you have envy and selfish ambition, there you find disorder and every evil practice”.
James 3:16. (New International Version)

“Ask not what your country can do for you, but what you can do for your country”.
John Fitzgerald Kennedy

Kenya is apparently 75% Christian, yet in a 1996 report released by Transparency International, a Berlin-based lobby group, it is ranked as the third most corrupt nation on the face of the planet. Ironic isn’t it? Actually, it is the most corrupt ‘Christian’ nation on earth! In both Nigeria and Pakistan who are ranked first and second respectively, Christians are a minority.

How is it then that our green and pleasant land, has earned itself such infamy?

The credit (if I may call it that) must go to the 74-year-old Mr Daniel arap Moi under whose helmsmanship corruption has become the fastest-growing cottage industry around.

A recent cover story in Time Magazine ran thus: “Strange things have been happening to Kenya’s President Daniel Arap Moi on the way to the piggy bank. In a country famous for it’s game parks and safaris he has found himself in the sights of an elephant gun levelled by international donors who have declared open season on corruption. The conflict centres on $ 400 million in illegal export-incentive payments that Moi’s Government made to a local jewellery maker Goldenberg, supposedly to reimburse taxes paid on imported raw materials. However no taxes had been paid and no hard currency was brought into the country. So the IMF demanded an accounting of the missing money, the equivalent of 6% of Kenya’s annual output. When the Government closed down a private prosecution of the Goldenberg team, the IMF cut off $ 169 million in credit”[1]. A candid, if somewhat less than flattering assessment of how the outside world views us.

It has grown increasingly difficult to discuss corruption with us Kenyans for a variety of reasons. Either we cannot see it touches our lives or we have become so completely bogged down in it as to feign indifference whenever it is mentioned. The truth is, it has affected our lives and well being most profoundly in the last 20 years and will continue to do so unless we change course.

Since the dawn of time, and it is recorded in the earliest annals, the insidious stain of corruption has ravaged mankind. There is evidence in the bible to suggest that the prophet Moses grappled with this vice 4,000 years ago. One famous book that tackles the subject is by Nikolai Gogol (1809-52). In 1836, this one-time Saint Petersburg government clerk published The Government Inspector a satire on the dishonesty of small town officials in Imperial Russia.

The Oxford English Dictionary describes corruption as “perversion or destruction of integrity in the discharge of public duties by bribery or favour”. Transparency International[2] have called it “the use of public power for private profit”. Greed, arrogance, malice, deceit and vengefulness are all it’s hallmarks. To look into corruption is to unveil the darkest secrets and the basest forces of the human soul: It’s real perpetrator is human nature itself.

Rome, the greatest empire the world has known was riddled with it. In A.D. 369, an anonymous writer sent a document to the Emperor Valens. An extract from this treatise read “public grants have made the rich even more extravagant, while the poor are driven by their problems into crime”[3]. The ordinary Roman was by then paying up to one third of his income in taxes and another third in rent. Sound familiar ?4 The Roman Empire’s biggest enemy was itself: The same corruption that fuelled it’s growth being responsible for it’s collapse. In today’s world, various laws and constitutions designed to keep this night of the soul in check have been enacted with varying degrees of success.

There is a pattern in the affairs of nations, a rule of thumb if you will, that always applies:
Wherever you find the rot of corruption has set in, you will invariably find leaders that are not subject to the same accountability as the populace. “When extraordinary powers are vested in any one individual in a government” wrote American revolutionary Thomas Paine in 1792, “rest assured that it will lead to the misappropriation of public funds. This individual becomes the centre round which every kind of corruption generates and forms. Give to any man a million a year and thereto the power of creating and disposing of places, at the expense of a country, and the liberties of that country are no longer secure”.5

The giant sucking sound coming from Africa nowadays is that of money leaving. A recent report allegedly emanating from a Swiss banking source, has estimated the amount held in Swiss banks on behalf of African leaders alone as being in excess of 20 billion U.S. dollars.6 In his 32 years of misrule, the late Zairian dictator Mobutu Sese Seko is estimated to have made away with $ 1 billion. He is a prime example of the so-called Bwana Mkubwa (Big Man) who could not (constitutionally) or would not (by any other means) be held accountable.

Though some of Mobutu’s wealth was amassed as a result of ‘gifts’ he received from western nations in return for keeping communism at bay during the cold war, a large part of it came from foreign aid advanced to his impoverished countrymen. Sese Seko was notoriously unable to distinguish between his country’s coffers and his own pocket. In any case, retired General Olegusun Obasanjo, himself a former Nigerian ruler and who until recently was in detention along with the late Moshood Abiola, has said that: “in the African concept of appreciation and hospitality , a gift is a token ; it is not demanded; the value is in the spirit of the giving, not the material worth. Where a gift is excessive it becomes an embarrassment and is returned”.7
.

Mobutu’s despotic regime was what may be termed an ‘imperial presidency’(one that is above the law). In this feudal scheme of things, the natural progression is for those close to ‘the throne’, be they business associates, political allies and friends, etc to develop a limited immunity to prosecution. It is human nature that the lawless will go where there is no law (or where they can get above it) and they will make the rule of the strongest reign8 something akin to the Al Capone era in 1920’s Chicago.

Once there is an obeisance to this ‘law of the jungle’ scenario, overnight you will get billionaires and multimillionaires, born of extensive and underhand dealings, springing up all over the place. What you will also find is bands of parasites living in luxurious indolence out of public taxes. This ruling clique, may claim to hold each other accountable but in reality they manipulate a country to their own ends- their sole aim is to hitch their personal wagons to the state’s gravy train.

A news agency despatch in early April ran: “Zimbabwean President Robert Mugabe’s wife Grace is set to make 19 million Zimbabwe dollars (U.S 1.18 million dollars) profit from a mansion built with government money, the Financial Gazette said today. The house dubbed “Gracelands” by it’s critics was built in the upmarket Harare suburb of Borrowdale on four hectares overlooking a golf course designed by champion international golfer Nick Price”.9 After 18 years in power, it would seem that Robert Gabriel Mugabe is another good example of an African leader who has outstayed his welcome
The source of corruption then is always the same: a leader or group of them that can no longer be held accountable. And while it may be true that most countries out of necessity have a ruling group; one that has what former US President George Bush termed “the vision thing” (enterprise and ideas for progress); it must have the fear of being overthrown or outvoted, if it is to look beyond it’s own interests.
Lord Acton’s aphorism, “Power corrupts and absolute (read unaccountable) power corrupts absolutely” may be all too familiar with many today. Sadly though, it still holds true. One need only to be honest with themselves, painfully so, to see this adage at play in present-day Kenya.

Kenyans have grown accustomed to the sight of new trunk roads that break up almost before they are completed - the end product of shoddy workmanship and unbridled greed. Roads that are built by contractors; whether local or international; on the precondition that they will give the government officials who have awarded them the tenders a percentage in kickbacks.

Gavin Bennet, a motoring correspondent, put it succinctly: “our cars are on death row the moment they are driven from the showroom”. Driving on our roads he says is like “a daily demolition derby”. If Martians existed they might easily mistake our pothole-strewn motorways for the craters on their own planet.

Indeed, the sorry state of our roads would be laughable if only one didn’t come away with a sinking feeling that they serve as a metaphor for what is happening to the rest our country.

“The name of the game is corruption and the fact is that nobody has had the will to take on the hydra-headed monster previously until now. It is becoming virtually impossible for ordinary Kenyans, for example to get any services or licences from government offices without paying what is normally known as kitu kidogo”.10 This is because as someone pointed out the other day: “the war (on corruption) has been declared for the umpteenth time but not a single battle has been fought”.

Maurice Wangutusi of the accounting firm Coopers and Lybrand made this disquieting observation :“one is tempted to ask where the revenue collected by government goes. It is patently clear that not all of the revenues collected are used to finance the intended projects. Reports issued by the Controller and Auditor-General record this fact. Indeed, Government has itself admitted that the rate of corruption in this country is very high. Most people believe and opine that a substantial part of the ‘tax’ they pay goes to finance corruption and inefficiency”.

He continues; “Corruption feeds on itself, creating a widening spiral of illegal payoffs until ultimately development is undermined and years of progress are reversed. And the very growth that permitted corruption in the past can produce a shift from productive activities to an unproductive struggle for the spoils. Over time corruption becomes entrenched, so that when Governments finally do move to contain it they meet with powerful resistance”.11

Is that not what is going on today in Kenya? Where does this leave us then? We know that the real problem is corruption and that investigating clerks in Nyayo house can only be an idea mooted by the ‘sacred cows’ that benefit from it the most. It’s foolhardy at best. In 1984 by George Orwell, ‘doublethink’ is defined as the ability to hold two contradictory beliefs in one’s mind simultaneously and accept both of them.

The Kenya government seems to indulge in it’s own version of ‘doublethink’ by believing it can tackle corruption without starting at the top. Until that is addressed , fighting graft will remain a fleeting illusion- to be pursued but never attained. So how do we set about solving this problem?

The presidency, there and there alone can one begin to tackle this terrible scourge. Simply put, as long as the head of state in any country, whether elected or not, is above the law and by extension above investigation, corruption will always have a palatial home. He is the one who sets the standards for the rest of the nation. Just as a school rarely rises above it’s headmaster (bad administration), neither can a nation rise above an inept President.

As the president or leader of a country one has a great deal of responsibility. Credit for success and criticism for failure. The two go hand in hand. Pity the leader who wants the credit without the criticism. Pity him because he will breed his own enemies.12 To the man in the street what goes on at State House has always been a complete mystery. This has served to build a mystique or an aura of untouchability around the presidency.

If you were the president of a corrupt nation, could you possibly blame corruption on all manner of things apart from yourself? Who would take you seriously? What is the point of occupying the highest office in the land and watching the mushroom cloud of corruption grow without doing anything to stop it? Unless of course one was unaware of what was going on, which would point to an incredibly uninformed leader. One perhaps, who should not be in that stately position. What can be made of leaders who admit to corruption in their governments yet respond with half-baked attempts at exposure?

“Such an individual is the last person to promote a spirit of reform, lest in the event it should reach to himself. It is always in his interest to defend inferior abuses. So that the parts of the system he has set up will have such a common dependence that it is never expected they will attack each other”.13

When a leader is aware of the fall-out that graft has visited upon his country and does nothing about it, does not his indifference implicate him in the same? What for example can be read into the following statement?: “ The Mosop MP John Sambu (Kanu) told parliament in April that close confidantes of the President were responsible for the economic mess facing the country. He said the leaders were working behind the Head of State’s back to ensure the economy collapsed so that the ills would be blamed on the Head of State. They surround the President and cheer and praise him but the moment he leaves, they draw their knives and start eating the economy”.14

What I can read into it is this: a man is known by the company he organises (keeps). “A crucial ability for the chief executive is perceptiveness. This will bear heavily on the quality of the Presidential appointments and his ability to mould his people into an effective administration. It is not enough to say a President “can hire managers”, as he delegates he must know how to keep track of the delegated work; he must understand what his managers are managing”.15

Even if as the Mosop MP said, the President’s men are responsible, the buck ultimately stops with him for appointing them in the first place. He doesn’t have the luxury of just sitting back and saying this is wrong, that is wrong ...and I can’t do anything about it. He has to act.

“Leadership can be summed up in two words, intelligence and integrity or to use two synonyms competence and character. Integrity denotes an honourable private life. We don’t see those characteristics in government today”.16 One of the reasons the presidency is imbued with it’s powers is to be in a position to nip graft and any other malaise in the bud. If a leader misuses these powers, then of what use is his leadership? A British politician once posed four questions to ask a supposedly powerful leader. “How powerful are you? Who gave you those powers? Who are you accountable to? And finally, how can we get rid of you?” Nobody is indispensable.

Corrupt leaders wield power not influence, never influence, unfortunately most of them can’t tell the difference. The dictionary definition doesn’t help much either since the terms power and influence are often used interchangeably. It would be easier to make a distinction by examining how the two work.

Power invariably works through fear and brute force; coercion, manipulation and intimidation are it’s touchstones. It is fuelled by hush-money, payoffs and bribery. In this hunter-gatherer brand of politics, violence is commonplace, the ‘powerful’ man’s only solution when the rest fail, murder is the culmination. They acquire an appetite for destruction and a taste for blood. Yet power ultimately fails to achieve, in most cases it only destroys the lives of those who wield it, as narrow minded as they are. The same dark fate that overtook Liberia’s Samuel Doe may await all those who persist on this path.

Is power then influence given that in the end others bend to your will? No, but if that were the only yardstick for gauging influence then it would be. Power however, works against the will of the individual, influence does not; power is selfish, influence is not; power seeks glory, influence builds harmony; power divides a country, influence builds it up.

Underneath the facade we have built of peace, love and unity lies a deeply divided country. Nairobi is a place where people dressed like royalty brush shoulders with abandoned street children. Where abject squalor lives side by side with well-manicured lawns and sprawling mansions. One West African novelist could well have been describing Kenya when she wrote “Powerless is also characteristic of the poor, and poverty is personified by the mentally disturbed people who roam the streets, infested with lice, stinking so badly that their stench infests the whole city”.

“The all-pervading stench shows what happens to the ‘wretched of the earth’ affects everybody, of those who exploit the people with detached indifference, violence will force them into such recognition. There will come a time when it will no longer be possible for them to count on their ‘lucky star’. Their fat bank accounts and endless privileges they enjoy will collapse with the rebellion of the downtrodden”.17

I am not one of those advocating the violent redistribution of wealth because I believe that commerce and honest gain is the true means of enriching a country. But what we see in society today is one plunderer succeeding another and that is why we have a small upper class comprising of the superrich; a rapidly diminishing middle class, and an enormous underclass living below the poverty line.

Let’s face it, we’ve leaders with power, not influence. Power that elevates them above contradiction and is leading us down a road marked with exploitation and control. We must not make excuses for them while they continue to go against our understanding of what is right if we are to survive.

Influential leaders are a rare breed on our political landscape today. Influence works through reasoning, consensus, policy, practicality and mutual respect. Influential leaders are those who can sway the masses through sound reasoning, through example. Their integrity precedes them. They will not need to bribe the electorate, or bully the unyielding because their confidence does not come from an ability to rig or buy their way out of difficulty but from their commitment to what is right for the majority. The influential leader will receive a willing response, the powerful leader will have to buy his.

Influence may convert a friend, but power coerces friend and foe alike. Plato, Aristotle, St Thomas, Shakespeare, Galileo, Newton and Kant were men of influence but none of them exercised any noticeable power. Let’s look at some other examples, Mahatma Gandhi, was he powerful or influential?

The man, Jesus of Nazareth, Lord to all who believe, had at his disposal all the powers in the universe, yet how did he choose to work. By brute force or winning people to his ways? What of Martin Luther King Jr, or South Africa’s Bantu Steven Biko and Nelson Rolihlahla Mandela. What about Uganda’s Archbishop Janani Luwum and Kenya’s very own, Thomas Joseph Mboya, Ronald Ngala, Josiah Mwangi (J.M.) Kariuki, Pio Gama Pinto, or Robert John Ouko. Did you see power in them or influence?

Out of the ten leaders I’ve mentioned nine were slain, why? Because their murderers being merely powerful lived in constant fear of their integrity. For anyone who may think that power is strength and integrity weakness, allow me to re-calibrate your line of thinking.

Take two men who have the chance to make hefty profits in a business contract. In order to do this though, they have to get round a corrupt government official who irregularly wants a substantial payoff before awarding the deal. One man desists because he refuses to compromise his integrity. The deal is awarded to the one who parts with a little chai.18 Which of the two men’s actions required greater strength? I say the former. He knew that he stood to lose, but still held to his principles.

Powerful leaders cannot do that, self gets in the way. Influential ones can, they look to the interests of others. Abraham Lincoln, himself a victim of an assassins bullet believed that when a people have suffered under a tyrant for a long time, and all legal and peaceful means to oust him have been exhausted, and prospects for his early departure are grim, then people have a right to remove him by drastic means.19

The late President Ferdinand Marcos of the Philippines was besieged at the Malcanang Palace by a Catholic-led ‘people power’ revolt that his armed forces refused to crush. More recently we witnessed Indonesia’s Suharto felled by widespread discontent. Could we be headed in the same direction? The writing’s on the wall.

We all know that there are leaders in this country today who rely on money and their ability to use it to corrupt the judgement of others, to make headway. That is the essence of a corrupt nation. A nation whose leaders have looted and plundered the electorate, leaving them in abject poverty. How else does one explain close to 50% of Kenyans living below the poverty level?

Part of our problem stems from a partial rather than full adoption of democracy. We must remember that democracy and capitalism are not traditional African concepts. Democracies are supposed to have elected leaders who are subject to the same laws as are the electorate. They can be prosecuted as can be any other citizen who falls foul of the law. In traditional African society the chief was the highest authority, he could not be outdone, his word was final. Normally this would not lead to trouble, the chief had little to gain by perverting justice.

Yet when you mix the traditional African chief model of leadership with democracy and throw the tremendous amounts of wealth that capitalism generates into the brew, then the urge to pervert justice is much higher. In real democracy the final word must always be by consensus (parliament) not the executive. Thus usurping the role of the parliament is a most heinous crime.

This is unfortunately what has happened in numerous African states including our own. A generation of leaders still exist who seem incompatible with democracy and all that goes with it though they cling tenaciously to power thinking themselves influential. Some, having lost their perspective confuse propaganda and name calling with policy.

The same leaders won’t stop to appreciate that maybe 60-80% of their respective country’s population are below 35 years of age and to a greater extent ignore the comical antics of their so-called leaders. Sadly it is this younger generation and their children that will pay the price for the destruction of their inheritance by leaders who were in the wrong place at the wrong time.

In view of this Kenyans need to be bold enough to tell it as it is. To put aside the tribalism that their leaders parlay, a conflict that is outdated and pointless. Tribalism can only thrive amidst corruption. The two fuel each other. Get rid of corruption and Tribalism can be conquered. But only then and not before .

Currently, politicians are Kenya’s only leadership class. There is a strident anti- intellectualism in government that not only discourages but also prevents original thinking. Consequently, businessmen, financiers, academe, and the news media have been forced into the back seat. We all need to believe in each other if we are to build a country where politics play second fiddle. After all being a politician does not necessarily make one a leader. Leaders lead, politicians talk. Nothing comes from talking but talk, nothing comes from dreaming but dreams, action is necessary.

I’ve often wondered who the leaders of countries like Switzerland or Sweden are? You don’t hear much about them on the world news. Yet these countries have some of the highest standards of living in the world and are among the least corrupt. I’m convinced that in such countries, businessmen feature just as prominently, if not more so than the politicians. In corrupt countries politics is the fastest way to get rich. In Switzerland you’ll get no such chance.

Does that sound unpatriotic. I hope not, its actually because I’m extremely patriotic that I feel compelled to speak as candidly as I am. If Kenyans are unable to express their views on our present predicament then our road to recovery is already handicapped. Jeffrey Sachs, a professor of international trade at Harvard University has written that good government means relative safety from corruption, from breach of contract, from property expropriation, and from bureaucratic inefficiency. On most of these counts our government has failed.

There is corruption even in the so-called model democracies in the West, but three factors
bail them out. Firstly they have working legislation that inhibits theft of public funds. Secondly those who steal from public coffers tend to keep the proceeds in the country preventing the capital-flight that we are gripped by today. Thirdly, their judiciaries have the will, competence and independence to prosecute all offenders.

The reason we find ourselves in dire straits now is because of capital flight over the last score years. Money that should have been banked in Kenya is shoring up economies elsewhere. According to the Minister of Finance, “the government is broke”. Given the lack of transparency in the past it is impossible to tell whether our government is unable to govern because it has no money, or whether it is using the fact that it has no money as an excuse not to govern.

Assuming they are broke, this not only presents a serious economic problem, but a security risk too. Kenyan taxpayers have all the while assumed that their Armed Forces are on a high state of alert and well-prepared for any eventuality. Yet how can this be if the Government has no money. The first risk that arises should the Armed Forces fail for any reason to receive their dues is of a mutiny. God forbid, but they would be hard pressed not to take matters into their own hands as we recently saw in Zaire under the late Mobutu Sese Seko.

The second risk we run is even more sinister. Should Kenya come under attack from a private army or some mercenaries for whatever reasons, would the Armed Forces be able to defend the country? How would they be financed throughout such a crucial event?

Finally, because the press serve as society’s watchdog, they have a duty to investigate the thoughts and feelings of the nation without being overcautious or vague. Pick up a newspaper nowadays and you invariably find editorial writers, columnists, businessmen and even (funnily enough) politicians crying out in a chorus of ‘Leadership! Leadership!’ It is almost as if the ship of state like some doomed ocean liner is about to self-destruct on the icebergs of complacency with the captain nowhere in sight.

When the Kenya Wildlife Service director Dr David Western was recently sacked (only to be reinstated because of pressure from donors) an editorial stated: “Sacking executive after executive not only makes a mockery of job security and professionalism, it speaks of something very fundamentally wrong somewhere very high up”. But it stopped short of saying how high up ‘very high up’ is.20

It would be a welcome thing to see less media coverage of politicians and a greater focus on the opinions of the common man in both urban and rural areas. Let us remember that this country belongs to Kenyans, not the Kenyan government or parliament for that matter. Those are institutions devoted to the governing of the country. It’s ownership rests with it’s citizens and they alone.

The press usually shapes the focus of a nation. If they cast the limelight mainly on politicians and politics then so will the nation, yet we see little progress on that front. If they portray those who may be corrupt in glowing terms then the general public over a period of time may come to see corruption as a positive thing. Using the term ‘the powerful’ to refer to leaders may be a true depiction, but how does Joe Public understand that you were not trying to glamorise him (the leader)?

The press must never tire of fighting for a moral society while maintaining truth and ethics in their reports. If they allow themselves to be impressed by the wealth of corrupt individuals, then society as a whole is bound to lose.

While I have decried the rampant corruption within government, all generalisations are false. There exist, I believe, those who are committed to wiping graft out from within. I do not pretend to be a politician or leader of any kind. There are also those to whom the things I have discussed are bread and butter but what I can say is that now more than ever is the time for courage. Courage that may look misplaced in the face of voices which warn of terror and retribution if we speak up. Courage, for it is the only way forward because to remain silent is to invite more abuse.

“Future generations will ask ‘what did you do to change this?’ The actions we take right now will crystallise. We do not know if this is for better or worse. But one thing is certain. Nothing would be more damaging than to crystallise the current status quo for younger generations”.21

Kenyans have lost faith in talk of freedom and change as words used often but emptied of their meaning; vows made in the storm but forgotten in the calm. I don’t think we have any option other than to face our own demons.

Like the patriarch Jacob (which in Hebrew means ‘the deceiver’) we can no longer escape our past. But if we struggle as he did until daybreak we have the bright hope of creating a new name for ourselves as a land of morally upright people. A country which with the passage of time has the potential to become one of the great nation-states of the earth. A “safari nation” at peace with itself and the world.

POSTSCRIPT.

Since the General election of December 1997, Kenya has had the misfortune of not having a Vice President with speculation flying fast and furious as to what agenda the President is pursuing in not naming one.

Leadership abhors a vacuum. Without a Vice President, should the President become incapacitated we would be faced with a successional dilemma at best. At worst an ensuing power struggle could lead to either anarchy or out and out tyranny. It is an appointment only he can make and must not delay any further.

Besides the inherent dangers posed by having no successor to the President there has been debate as to whether the government in it’s current form is then legally constituted. Legislator James Orengo has on more than one occasion argued that the constitutional requirement for a valid government is the President, Vice President and cabinet. Without an occupied Vice President’s seat, he says the government cannot be legally constituted. Hence the President would be breaking the law by failing to make this appointment.

And on this I will let Thomas Paine have the final word: “All delegated power is trust, and all assumed power is usurpation. Government is not a trade which any man or body of men, has a right to set up and exercise for his own emolument, but it is altogether a trust, in right of those by whom that trust is delegated, and by whom it is always resumable”.22

The President (in any nation) is not greater than the nation itself. Neither are his personal interests above the well-being of the country as a whole. I am sure many Kenyans are incensed by this total disregard to their concerns; it is tantamount to playing Russian roulette with their destiny. The President must convince Kenyans that not having a Vice-President is somehow in their best interests.

As matters now stand, he is in breach of the trust placed in him by wananchi, he has failed to uphold his presidential oath, and owes the country both an explanation and an apology. He is in office by our mandate alone. Could it be he feels threatened by his own understudies? Whatever the case, any problems that may arise from this lack of prudence, he must be held directly responsible for.
Endnotes

1. “A World War On Bribery” by James Walsh, Time Magazine June 22,1998.
2. Transparency International is a non-profit making, non-governmental organisation, working to counter corruption both in international business transactions and through their national chapters, at national levels. It’s world corruption ratings are arrived at from a survey of business people, risk analysts and the general public.

Their address is:
Transparency International (T I)
Heylstrasse 33, D-10825 Berlin, Germany
Tel: (49) 30-787 59 08 Fax: (49) 30-787 57 07
E- mail: ti @ contrib.de
Internet: http: // www.is.in-berlin.de/service/ti.html

Chairman: Peter Eigen (Germany)
Managing Director: Jeremy Pope (New Zealand)
Bank Account No. 09 332 145 00
Dresdner Bank Berlin (Bank code 100 800 00)

3. “Contrasts and Connections” Schools History Project Discovering the Past Y7
Colin Shephard, Mike Forbishley, Alan Large, Richard Tames, 1991.
Problems in the Empire p.58,9.

4. Incidentally, our level of taxation stands at higher than that of 32 countries in Africa south of the Sahara. it is also higher than in many countries in the west where a kind of welfare state exists. We also have exceedingly high tax evasion rates. The annual income per Kenyan has fallen from $ 420 in [4][5]1980 to $260 today. The estimated number of Kenyans living below the poverty line has risen from 44% in 1989 to 50% today.

5. Thomas Paine “The Rights of Man”,1792.
6. Wall Street Journal, 27th May,1986 and Financial Times, 23rd February,1987.
7. Financial Times, London 14th October,1994.
8. Western traveller,1847.
9. The Daily Nation , Friday April 3,1998.
10. The Daily Nation editorial of Wednesday, May 20,1998.
11. The Daily Nation, Tuesday May 26,1998.
12. “There is no end to what a man can do as long as he doesn’t mind who will get the credit”- Ronald Reagan.
13. Thomas Paine “The Rights of Man”,1792.
14. The Daily Nation Thursday April 16, 1998
15. Paraphrased from “Jobs Specs for the Oval Office” By Hedley Donovan Time December 13,1992.

16. Lance Morrow, Time Magazine November 9,1987 “Who’s In Charge?”
17. Veronique Tadjo,
18. Literally ‘tea’ in Swahili but is used euphemistically to mean a bribe.
19. Ernest .W. Lefever, Senior fellow at The Ethics and Public Policy Center, Washington as quoted by Time Magazine December 22, 1997.
20. The Daily Nation editorial Sunday May 24, 1998.
21. paraphrased from Val d’Oiseau, Veronique Tadjo.
22. Thomas Paine “The Rights of Man”,1792.
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making of a nation

2008-01-20T18:26:00.000+03:00

NEWS EXTRA Coalitions have always been part of Kenya's politics Story by HILARY NG’WENO Publication Date: 11/19/2007.

Kenya goes to the elections on December 27.

The Making of a Nation series, written by veteran journalist and publisher HILARY NG’WENO, and co-produced with Nation Media Group, which will air on NTV and run in Daily Nation, is a year-long project examining the tensions and forces that make Kenya what it is. Coming as they do in the midst of a hotly contested election, they provide a rare opportunity to plot the political evolution of Kenya.

Over the past decade or so Kenya’s politics has been dominated by coalitions, the most recent being the Party for National Unity on whose ticket President Mwai Kibaki is seeking re-election. But from the very beginning, there have always been political coalitions of one form or another.
When in 1957 African members of the Legislative Council set up the Elected African Members Organisation (EAMO) they were essentially entering into a coalition that would make it easier for them to achieve their common objective – bringing an end to British colonial rule and thereby establishing a free and independent nation ruled by the African majority. Among the EAMO leaders were Tom Mboya, Ronald Ngala, Oginga Odinga, Daniel arap Moi, Masinde Muliro, Julius Kiano, Taita Toweett, Justus ole Tipis and Jeremiah Nyagah.

These men represented a nationalist cause, but they also represented the interests of the different regions of the country that had elected them to the Legco, interests they were willing to merge into a greater common good.

Often forgotten.

What is often forgotten is that they each had their own individuals ambitions, and being politicians the most important of those ambitions was the exercise of power or at the very least a share in the that exercise.

Under a unified EAMO, African Legco leaders engaged the British government in a series of constitutional conferences at Lancaster House, London, which charted out a path to Kenya’s Independence. The January 1960 conference held under the chairmanship of then British Colonial Secretary Ian McLeod increased the number of Africans in the Legco from 14 to 33, out of a total of 65 members. It gave Africans four seats in what would initially be a caretaker government, as opposed to three for Europeans. And it provided for a common electoral roll, doing away with the limited electoral franchise system that had hitherto brought Africans into the Legco. Independence was now a matter of when and how, rather than if As is often the case with coalitions, fissures within the EAMO began to emerge as the common objective of Independence drew near. The new divisions among African leaders have often been blamed on the machinations of white settlers still anxious to hang on to power in Kenya, but that is at best simplistic. At worst, it is an affront to the intelligence and moral integrity of the African leaders of the time.

Barely four months after coming back from Lancaster with the McLeod constitution, African leaders were busy doing what any right-minded politician would do, positioning themselves for a place in the country’s future power structure. They had all agreed that at the head of that structure would be Jomo Kenyatta then still being held in detention by the colonial government for his part in the Mau Mau freedom struggle. Where everyone else would fit in the new dispensation was now a matter of primary concern to the individual leaders.

On May 14, 1960 African leaders meeting at Kiambu formed the Kenya African National Union (Kanu). To head the new party as a stand-in for the still to be freed Kenyatta was Mr James Gichuru, Mr Odinga, Mboya (secretary general), Mr Ngala (treasurer) and Mr Moi (vice treasurer). Mr Moi and Mr Ngala were out of the country at the time. On returning home, they declined to take up their posts and instead, at a meeting in Ngong on May 25, set up a rival party – the Kenya African Democratic Party (Kadu) under Mr Ngala’s leadership.

The reason Kadu leaders gave for setting up a rival party was that Kanu was dominated by the big tribes – the Kikuyu and the Luo. In Kadu, they would take care of the interests of the smaller tribes, the Kalenjin and Maasai of the Rift Valley, the Luhya of Western Province, the Mijikenda at the Coast. They probably were sincere in invoking ethnic interests as the main reason for setting up Kadu. But in addition to the ethnic interests, there were simple but pragmatic personal political considerations at play.

As Kenya moved towards independence, the field was getting crowded at the top political ladder. Originally, with Kikuyu leaders banned from taking part in politics, national politics had been a preserve of non-Kikuyus such as Mr Mboya, Mr Odinga, Mr Ngala, Mr Moi and Mr Muliro. Then with the end of the state of emergency in 1956 the ban had been lifted. Dr Kiano had joined the EAMO. By the time Kanu was formed, there were many other Kikuyu heavyweights in politics, men such as Dr Njoroge Mungai, who had just returned form Stanford University with a degree in medicine. Soon Kenyatta would be free, and with him would come others with strong claims to the high places in the new political patheon – among them the men tried with Kenyatta at Kapenguria at the start of the Emergency in 1952 – Mr Bildad Kaggia, Mr Achieng Oneko, Mr Kungu Karumba, Mr Fred Kubai and Mr Paul Ngei.

Mr Ngala, Mr Muliro, Mr Moi, Mr Tipis, Dr Towett and their colleagues went off on their own not because they were manipulated by white settlers, or even because, they were trying to do what they claimed they were trying to do – take of the interests of their ethnic constituencies. Like their counterparts in Kanu, they were men of ambition who wanted to exercise power and they saw in Kadu a reliable vehicle to the exercise of political power.

Gamble did not pay off.

In the end, their gamble did not pay off. In the post-McLeod general election of February 1961 called to prepare Kenya for self-government, Kanu won 19 and Kadu 11 of the seats earmarked for Africans in the new constitution.

Mzee Kenyatta was released on August 14 that year and for a while tried to reconcile the two parties. But when he failed, he accepted the presidency of Kanu from which Mr Gichuru now stepped down. Kenyatta was a nationalist, but he was a consummate politician as well. For him, the choice between Kanu and Kadu was clear. The latter simply did not have the kind of majority support Kanu enjoyed. To choose Kadu would have been the height of political folly.

Kadu leaders did come up with an answer to the challenge they now faced from Kanu under Mzee Kenyatta’s leadership. With the support of the new British Colonial Secretary Reginald Maudling and white settlers they pushed for a federal political system of government for independent Kenya. A compromise “majimbo” system was eventually adopted at the February 1962 Lancaster constitutional conference, setting up a bicameral legislature and six regional assemblies with entrenched rights but no financial powers. It was not an arrangement that Kanu was particularly happy about, but as Odinga said afterwards: “We might be been forced to accept a constitution we did not want, but once we had the government, we could change the constitution.”

On the face of it Majimbo was about protecting the interests of smaller tribes against the bigger communities, but for Kadu leaders it was also a way of ensuring that they too exercised political power in the regions since the country’s population distribution appeared to condemn them to perpetual seats in the opposition.

They were not alone in seeking space within a coalition arrangement for their personal ambitions to flourish. Mr Ngei had joined Kanu on being released from detention. Like Kadu leaders, he too was an ambitious politician. He too sought a prominent place for himself within the country’s new political edifice. He could find none. So he went off on his own, forming in November 1962 a new party – the African Peoples Party - which he thought would propel him to some form of power he did not then think he could exercise if he remained under the same roof as Mzee Kenyatta, Mr Mboya, Mr Odinga and Mr Gichuru.

In the May 1963 General Election that led to independence, Kanu won 83 out of 124 seats, signalling an end to the original coalition of interests for which the EAMO leaders had stood. Later, new coalitions would come and go, but the interests of ambitious political leaders would remain, and through the interplay of those interests the history of independent Kenya would be shaped.

Mboya up against Kenyatta’s tough inner circle Story by HILARY NG’WENO Publication Date: 12/3/2007.

There had always been the question of What next after Kenyatta? Or rather, Who after Kenyatta? writes HILARY NG’WENO in today’s instalment of ‘The Making of a Nation’.

President Jomo Kenyatta’s closest ministers, the inner circle made up of Koinange, Njonjo and Mungai, and sometimes James Gichuru and Julius Kiano, had been concerned at first about Oginga Odinga, the country’s first Vice President. Odinga had charisma, nearly as much as Kenyatta; he was a man of the people, and he was a fighter, like Kenyatta.

The inner circle, or the Gatundu Group, as they were sometimes referred to, worried about Odinga taking over from Kenyatta, should the old man die or become incapacitated.
With Odinga safely out of the way after he had been forced out of the ruling party, the Kenya African National Union (Kanu) and into the opposition Kenya Peoples Union in 1966, Kenyatta’s inner group now worried about Tom Mboya, the Minister for Economic Planning and Kanu’s powerful secretary general. The prospects of Mboya stepping into Kenyatta’s shoes became an obsession for them. Part of their concern had to do with ethnic considerations.

They were determined to ensure that the presidency, and its now enormous powers, did not slip from the grasp of the Kikuyu, and most certainly not into Mboya’s hands.

They feared Mboya because of his frightful intelligence and his organisational skills. But there was more than fear involved. There was resentment. However intelligent, however astute a politician, academically Mboya was simply not the equal of any of the three top men in Kenyatta’s inner circle.

Social credentials.

Koinange, senior most of the circle, was a person with outstanding academic and social credentials. Born in 1907 to Senior Chief Koinange wa Mbiyu, Koinange was sent to the US for education when he was barely 20, becoming the first Kenyan African to be educated in the US.
He first attended Hampton College in West Virginia, then the University of Columbia where he received a BA degree. He proceeded to the University of London and got a diploma from the university’s Institute of Education before moving on to the London School of Economics from which he obtained a Masters degree in 1948-the first Kenyan to get an MA.

On coming back home the following year he set up the Kenya Teachers College at Githunguri and managed it until 1946 when he turned it over to Kenyatta who had just come back after nearly 15 years in England and Europe. The two men had known each other in England and had kept in touch while they were separated.

Now a strong bond developed between them, becoming even stronger when Kenyatta took for his second wife, Grace Mitundu, Koinange’s younger sister. In 1947 Koinange would return to England for further studies but was prevented from returning to Kenya by the outbreak of the Mau Mau rebellion and the declaration of a state of emergency in 1952.

In exile, Koinange expanded his political activities to embrace Pan African gatherings and demonstrations in England. He made contact with Kwame Nkrumah who after Ghana’s independence invited him to work at the newly set up Bureau of African Affairs in Accra.
It was from Accra that Koinange was invited by KANU and KADU leaders meeting in London at the first Lancaster House constitutional conference.

The invitation was the idea of Odinga who was trying to pressurize the British government to release Kenyatta. Odinga figured that Koinange’s presence would put added pressure on the British, and it would embarrass Mboya who was then not yet as forthright about Kenyatta’s release. Koinange would come back home soon after that meeting, run for parliament and be elected as MP for Kiambaa in 1963, when Kenyatta appointed him to the Cabinet.

The second most powerful man in the triumvirate was Charles Njonjo, the Attorney General. Like Koinange, Njonjo was the son of a senior chief in the colonial government. His father Josiah Njonjo was able to send him to the best schools of the time. Alliance High School, King’s College Budo in Uganda, Fort Hare University in Cape Town and Exeter University in England where he did post graduate studies in public administration finishing in 1947.

From 1947 to 1950 he attended the London School of Economics and then studied law for four years before being admitted to the bar at Gray’s Inn, one of England’s most prestigious inns of law. His long stay in England had a tremendous influence on him; he absorbed British culture and British mannerisms, down to the wearing of striped suits and bowler hats. In later years these British mannerisms would earn him the nickname of Sir Charles.

On returning to Kenya in 1954 Njonjo joined the colonial attorney general’s office and rose quickly from being a registrar to registrar-general. In 1961 he was a senior state counsel, and one whole year before Independence he had been promoted to the powerful job of deputy public prosecutor. At Independence he was named attorney general. The following year, with Kenya’s change to Republican status, the attorney general became an ex-officio Member of Parliament as well as the cabinet.

Six years younger than Njonjo, Mungai did not have a chief or senior chief for a father, but what he lacked in genes he more than made up for in upbringing. He too went to Alliance High School, leaving in 1945. Like Njonjo he attended Fort Hare University from 1948 to 1950.
In South Africa, Mungai had his first taste of apartheid. That experience was to shape his future political views and general mistrust of white people. From South Africa Mungai proceeded to Stanford University, then, as today, one of the top universities in the world, where he obtained a BA degree in 1952 before going to Stanford Medical School, and later to further medical studies at Columbia University.

With his string of qualifications, Mungai came back to Kenya in 1959 and set up the Chania chain of clinics around the Dagoretti area of Nairobi from which he dispensed affordable medical treatment. When Kenyatta was released from detention in 1961, Mungai became his physician. But even before that, Mungai was already immersed in politics, serving as the secretary to the preparatory committee that gave birth to KANU in May 1960. It was on that committee that Mungai first worked closely with Mboya.

Kenyatta’s inner circle was therefore made up of highly educated and sophisticated men, who by dint of their birth, education and training considered themselves to be natural leaders. On that account alone, and not even on ethnic grounds, Koinange, Njonjo and Mungai for different reasons, must have found Mboya difficult to take.

Mboya was born in 1930, and was therefore four years younger than Mungai, ten years younger than Njonjo and a whole 23 years younger than Koinange.

But by the time they started interacting with him, the older men must have been awed by his enormous organisational skills, sharp intellect, and sheer determination. The awe must have given rise to a sense of resentment when in the three or four years leading to Independence, Mboya made himself almost indispensable in the general nationalist struggle.
He was by far the most articulate leader in the country. He hogged the press, both local and international, and was on the cover of TIME magazine before Independence. Then as now, making the cover of TIME was something even Americans envied.

Mboya’s energy, charisma, his organisational and tactical skills made him indispensable in the bruising battle against Odinga and the radicals within Kanu.

The man to watch.

And for some time at least Njonjo built up a close friendship with Mboya during their joint effort, at Kenyatta’s behest, to shove Odinga out of the ruling party. But Kenyatta and his top lieutenants had Odinga more or less under control. The man to watch now was Mboya.
Barely a year after forcing Odinga out of Kanu they would set about trying to do to Mboya what they had done to Odinga so successfully, except that they would now have to do their battles without or against Mboya’s enormous organisational skills, financial resources and a reputation for political fighting.

Until then Mboya had never lost any major political battle; but then, neither had Kenyatta and the men who made up his inner circle.

THE MAKING OF A NATION: Mboya's murder and the return of one-party State Story by HILLARY NG'WENO Publication Date: 12/4/2007.

HILLARY NG'WENO recounts the murder of Cabinet ministers Tom Mboya and its aftermath.

On the morning of July 5th, 1969 Tom Mboya, President Jomo Kenyatta’s Minister for Economic Planning and Kanu’s secretary general, arrived at Nairobi’s Embakasi Airport from Addis Ababa where he had been attending a meeting of the Economic Commission for Africa.
He was accompanied by his permanent secretary, Philip Ndegwa, and his brother, Alphonse Okuku Ndiege. He had dropped them off at his office, and then before 1pm went to Channi’s Pharmacy on Government, today Moi Avenue, to buy some lotion for dry skin. After chatting with Mrs Mohini Sehmi Channi for a while, Mboya stepped out of the shop.

Outside, only two or so metres from the door, was a young man in a dark suite, holding a briefcase in his left hand. His right hand was in his pocket. In a few seconds two shots rang out. Mboya slumped over. Despite efforts at mouth-to-mouth resuscitation Mboya was dead on arrival at Nairobi Hospital.

Political leadership.

Within hours, there were riots and demonstrations in Nairobi and in towns and villages in Luoland. The experience of the KPU had given most Luo the feeling that the Kikuyu were out to deny them any position of political leadership. They had pushed Oginga Odinga out of the ruling party Kanu. Now they had killed Mboya, and Luo suspicions appeared to be confirmed when on July 10th, five days after the murder, a young Kikuyu named Nahashon Isaac Njenga Njoroge was arrested and charged with the murder.

Njenga’s trial began with a preliminary hearing on August 11th. On September 10th he was found guilty and sentenced to death. His appeal against the verdict and sentence was rejected by the East African Court of Appeal, and on November 8th, it is reported, he was hanged in secret at Kamiti Maximum Prison. There have since been reports that Njenga was in fact never hanged, that he was spirited off secretly to Ethiopia, where he lived out the rest of his life under an assumed identity. What is not in doubt, however, is that during the preliminary hearing after his arrest, Njenga had asked a senior police superintendent who testified at the trial: “Why do you pick on me? Why not the big man?” When asked who the big man was, Njenga refused to say. Who was the big man, if ever there was a big man, would remain the subject of rumour and conjecture for years.

And for good reason; the trial never established a motive for Njenga killing Mboya. Someone must have had a motive. Who that someone was has remained a subject of conjecture ever since.

Mboya’s murder shook Kenya’s politics as nothing had ever done before since Independence. The entire Luo community now closed ranks around Odinga, taking on a markedly anti-Kikuyu stance in all their utterances.

Other Kenyans were taken aback too. Doubts about Kenyatta’s government began to emerge, especially in the Coast Province and to a lesser extent in Western Province, and doubts turned into worries when reports started circulating that the Kikuyu community had taken up widespread oathing primarily aimed at ensuring their unity in the face of growing opposition to Kenyatta’s rule, particularly from the Luo.

There was enormous pressure within the Kikuyu community to close ranks around Kenyatta, just like the Luo had done around Odinga. By August, the pressure was so great that Bildad Kaggia, vice president of the KPU, and almost the entire Central Province membership of the party, were forced to rejoin the ruling party Kanu. The split between the two former senior members in the Kanu tribal coalition – the Kikuyu and the Luo – was now as complete as it could possibly be.

The situation called for some action on the part of Kenyatta who had gone uncharacteristically silent since Mboya’s death. In September, he began to summon elders from various communities to discuss the situation with him at his home in Gatundu.

Little General Election.

The next General Election would be coming soon, and he was anxious that Kanu perform in Luoland better than it did during the Little General Election against Odinga’s Kenya Peoples Union (KPU). So, in October Kenyatta set off on an electoral tour of Rift Valley and Nyanza intending to demonstrate that he was back in control of things.

On October 25th he was in Kisumu to open the Russian built hospital, which was the only Soviet, project in Kenya. Luo crowds greeted him with jeers and shouted KPU slogans at him. There were placards in the crowd asking, “Where is Tom?” Kenyatta reacted with anger. In his speech, he attacked the KPU and threatened Odinga, who was with him on the platform, with detention, calling him a “noise maker who is good for nothing”. Oppositionists, he said, would be “crushed like locusts”.

It was the crowd’s turn to be enraged. As Kenyatta’s motorcade was leaving the hospital grounds, the crowd surged towards it menacingly. The police opened fire. Seven people were killed and scores injured as Kenyatta left Kisumu hurriedly.

Two days later, on October 27th, Odinga and all other KPU leaders and MPs were arrested in a pre-dawn swoop and put into detention. Among Odinga’s associates to be placed in detention was Achieng Oneko who had been jailed and detained with Kenyatta by the British for nine years before Independence. On October 30th, the KPU was banned. Once again, Kenya had become a de-facto one-party state.

The new one party state was different from the one that came into existence in December 1964 when the Kenya African Democratic Union (Kadu), dissolved itself and its members joined Kanu. Then there had been some effort at building national unity that if it did not quite negate ethnic boundaries at least operated on the basis of a coalition of all tribes.

Pretense of a coalition.

Now, there was one major community outside the one ruling party, and in that party, there was no pretense of a coalition any more. After his ugly experience in Kisumu, Kenyatta was in no mood for sharing any power; the inner circle around him encouraged him into believing that no coalitions of any kind were needed any more.

On the 6th December 1969, Kanu held its primary elections. In the absence of any other party, these primary elections amounted to the final general elections. The results surprised many. Even in a one party state, it seemed, those in control of Kanu were powerless against a public who had become disgruntled by the goings on of the previous two or three years. Seventy-seven sitting MPs out of a total of 158 – almost fully one half – lost to newcomers.

Serious implications.

Of interest and serious implications to Nyanza and Western Province, was the fact among them were four of the five defeated ministers, and nine of the fourteen defeated assistant ministers. Most of them were Mboya’s political allies: Odero-Jowi and Samuel Ayodo in Luoland; Lawrence Sagini in Kisii and Joseph Otiende in Western Province.

But among the losers too was Bildad Kaggia. Just as the voters in Luoland had not forgiven anyone who had sided with the Kikuyu’s, and Mboya’s allies in Luoland were so perceived, similarly kikuyu voters were in no mood for forgiveness towards anyone who had sided with forces they perceived to be under the control of the Luo. Kaggia, though he had recanted and rejoined Kanu, was not about to receive forgiveness from Murang’a voters. He was handsomely defeated by Thaddeus Mwaura who had defeated him at the Little General Election.
Kaggia would thereafter retire from politics to live a simple and frugal life, almost forgotten by generations of Kenyan leaders who were born long after Kaggia’s battles with the British and Kenyatta governments were over.

He died in 2006 and was buried in his beloved Murang’a where the government later built a mausoleum in his memory and that of hundreds and thousands of freedom fighters like him who had given their all in the cause of Kenya’s Independence.

39=truth (who killed mboya and why)

2008-01-20T17:03:00.000+03:00

My name is Lucas Mboya. I am 39 years old. My father, the late, great, Thomas Joseph Mboya, died violently at 39 years old. My late brother Peter Mboya, died violently at the age of 39 years old. (10 months apart). If there is some jinx that prevents a Mboya man from passing 40 years old. Let me take this opportunity to get a load off my chest.

When my late father died I was I had been on God’s good earth for 21 months.

As I grew up I had to grope my way around trying to find out who my father was and why he had been killed. Answers I got ranged from ‘he was a criminal and CIA agent’, to ‘he was next in line for the Presidency’, which I do now believe was the case.

What I would like to do now is explore the real reason why Tom Mboya was killed and by whom. I will for legal reasons make many references to a book, ‘Tom Mboya, The Man Kenya Wanted to Forget”, David Goldsworthy.

My goal is to first get Kenyans to understand that I believe my fathers’ death was the point in Kenyas’ history that the two most influential tribes parted, both publicly and permanently and this acrimony has been the root cause of most of the political problems Kenya has had to date. Additionally, I do believe that without a genuine ‘Truth and Reconciliation Commission’ in place Kenyans will never breach the tribalism gap that has been entrenched in our psyche.

Its’ no secret that Kenya politics is not about policies, but about tribes and communities. As a result rampant corruption abounds. It is simply not possible to deal with corruption without dealing first with tribalism. Tribalism feeds corruption.

Lets’ also understand that appreciation of ones tribe and customs is right and important. What is wrong is assuming that because ones tribe is different, that therefore ones tribe or community is better, or has rights that others should not enjoy. The saying from “animal farm’, ‘ all animals are equal but some are more equal than others’ comes to mind.

I also intend to make a formal request to the Kenya Government and the Chief Justice in particular to give me and make public the transcripts of the trial of one, Nahashon Njenga who was accused and sentenced to death for the murder of Tom Mboya. This I believe is my God given right. I am Mboya’s his son and I want to know what happened and if I feel justice was not done, then I have the right to pursue whatever justice I can get in any manner that I can get it under Kenyan and International Law.

Whoever killed Mboya made one mistake. They should have killed me too because If I can expose them I will, be they dead or alive. And I do believe that the real architect of Mboyas’ murder is alive and well. By the time you finish reading this piece I am sure that not only will you understand who I am talking about but you will be able to join the dots and see why I believe this man (and others) were responsible.

In Goldworthy’s book, his chapter on ‘The Politics of Survival’ He says:

‘At any rate, by late 1967 the new factional lines were clearly visible: so much so that talk of ‘Kanu’ A and ‘Kanu B’ was becoming quite common. On one side ‘Kanu A’ was the formidable coalition which we have referred to so far as the inner group, but which was variously know as the ‘Kikuyu group’, the ‘Gatundu group’, the ‘Court’: Mungai, Njonjo and Koinange, all very close to the President and with them Moi (vice president since early1967 in succession to Murumbi) and somewhat less powerful Kukuyu such as Gichuru, Kiano and Kibaki (though on issues of economic policy Kibaki and others usually stood with Mboya)…………………………….On the other side was Mboya. He too had his multi tribal supporting group which at ministerial level included Ngala (Giriama), Ayodo (Luo), Sagini (Kisii), Otiende (luyha), Nyagah (Embu) and Eliud Mwendwa (Kamba). In general he had the backing of the Kanu Luo, the anti-Ngei Kamba, the pro Ngala Coastals, and MP’s from the North East. All told there were perhaps 60 of the 158 Members. A third group, including at ministerial level Argwings Kodhek and Angaine was generally seen as neutral……….

“The Gatundu group’s jealousy and fear of Mboya emerged with extreme clarity at a private meeting of the full Kanu parliamentary group in March 1968, the first time the issue was directly joined in such a large gathering and in the presence of Kenyatta himself. Subsequent leaked accounts had it that it was the Attorney General who led the attack…….Njonjo delivered an address full of aspersions against Mboya’s ambitions and his American connections. Mboya argued back strongly. Then there was a crucial intervention on Mboya’s side by Bruce McKenzie – a man uniquely placed in more ways than one, not one of the Kikuyu group but certainly enjoying its confidence. He reminded Kenyatta of the story of the monarch ‘whose kingdom prospered while his able son did everything but which fell into disarray after the king disposed of him when jealous courtiers spread lies about him and his ambitions. In this case Mzee listened and the attack failed.’

It is clear from this incident that there was a cabal in Government that were determined to see Mboya out at any cost, led by Njonjo.

The Government at this stage (1967) set up a committee with Kenyatta’s approval to propose a succession formula to replace the existing one under which if the President died in office the Assembly would elect a successor for the balance of his term (this formula had ironically been drafted by Mboya and Njonjo in 1964).

According to Goldsworthy, the Gatundu group now feared that ‘if Mboya were given an opening under ….(these) arrangements he could mesmerize parliament and ensure his own election’.

He continues ‘Accordingly in March the Government introduced a constitutional amendment bill providing that if the President died, the vice President would automatically succeed him for the rest of his term.. Mboya’s position was saved, however by the genuine anger and resentment of almost all of the back-bench MP’s at this further erosion of parliamentary power. Confronted by their flat refusal to pass the bill, the government – meaning essentially the Gatundu group – presented in April a revised version under which the vice president would succeed for six months after which there would be a national election.

‘In May, while this was being debated Kenyatta suffered a mild stroke. Thereupon Njonjo and Moi, without consulting Cabinet hurriedly put up a third version whose effect was to retain the six-month interim president but to reduce his powers in certain areas. Obviously with this further watering-down they hoped for quick Parliamentary approval. Still concerned above all to block Mboya, they however added a completely new clause raising the minimum age of Presidential candidates from thirty five to forty (Mboya was thirty nine). And again here they miscalculated. Ministers and MP’s of almost all persuasions were angry at so blatant a manouevre; and the Assembly refused once again to be taken for granted. Moreover Kenyatta soon recovered, and was incensed to find his close lieutenants apparently assuming him as good as dead and busily ensuring their own security. He intervened personally to withdraw the bill and in a turbulent cabinet meeting – in which, it is said, ‘Kenyatta told off Moi and Njonjo is scorching terms’ a fourth and final version was worked out’.

From these accounts and from discussions with friends and relatives who were mature at the time I have concluded that clearly, Njonjo, Koinange and Mungai were determined to get my father out of the way of Presidential succession and were becoming more and more desperate by the day especially as Kenyatta’s health faltered. Moi as Vice President was the pawn they would use to thus consolidate themselves in case of Kenyatta’s demise.

My father I believe was interested in power. But not for the reasons the others wanted the same.

Goldworthy says ‘Mboya felt, then, growing dissatisfactions with the international development effort, and more especially with the economic behaviour of the Western powers. To this should probably be added a disenchantment with the attitudes and behaviour of African ruling groups themselves. Mboya certainly felt that policy – making and administrative elites should be properly paid for their leadership role; but massive and rapid capital accumulation through the opportunistic fusing of political, administrative, and business roles was a different matter. It must have appeared to him as a perversion of the whole developmental purpose, and as something of a betrayal of the ideas he had tried to work out for Kenya and Africa. As Gertzel puts it,

“Mboya stood essentially for a rational economic development as opposed to any short-term policies that might benefit one group at the future expense of the country as a whole. He argued explicitly for broad limits of planning within which the politics of influence must be contained…. It implied a challenge to any one group that wanted immediate benefits at the cost of future development, and was likely in particular to arouse opposition from a burgeoning economic class” .

And again ‘Of course he was ambitious to get and keep power; and it was surely true that Mboya, perhaps more than any other member of the Governing elite, sought to use power in the social interest’.

To me it is clear that a rift had emerged between Mboya and the Gatundu group led by Njonjo based on their fear and jealousy of him and the fact that they saw power as a means to rapid financial accumulation which was against Mboya’s ideals. Such a person would not do as a President in their eyes.

Goldworthy says the final straw was when it became clear to the Gatundu group that without Mboya (Odinga was already out) they would not be able to keep anything in Nyanza (this despite the fact that they had already attacked and decimated all of Mboya’s power bases).

They clearly thought that Mboya was a walkover and their demonstration of power would bring him in line. They were gravely mistaken. Mboya’s attitude was one of indifference when it came to issues of Kanu’s political prowess in Nyanza. As such;

‘In May 1969 a by election was held in Gem constituency to elect a successor to Argwings Kodhek who had been killed in a car accident. Gem had been that rarity, a Kanu held seat in Central Nyanza. Mboya both as party Secretary-General and as the sole remaining Luo minister at the highest level was naturally expected to spearhead the Governments campaign on behalf of it’s Luo candidate. But this time he stayed right out of it, and it fell upon Mungai to lead Kanu’s campaign. Mboya’s unspoken message seemed to be: let them see what they can do without me.

Kanu’s candidate was crushed. In the view of some, this incident was for the inner group the final straw: the factor which hardened them against Mboya once and for all’.

In the final anaylsis. Mboya was murdered and he had seen it coming. But he was not prepared to compromise on his ideals.

Who had the motive to murder him?
Who had the capacity to do it?
Who had the ability to cover it up?

In mboya’s trial, my understanding is that the prosecution failed to follow up on an allegation made by a senior Police officer to the effect that when they were interrogating Njenga he had said, ‘why ask me, why not ask the big man’? the prosecution failed to follow this in the trial. In addition I understand that the family lawyer, one Fritz De Souza was not allowed to cross examine the suspect? Why would this be so? Does it make sense? unless there was a deliberate attempt by the powers at the time to avoid that question.

Am I my brothers keeper? (why kenya is at crossroad)

2008-01-20T16:46:00.000+03:00

A few days ago, I had a discussion with a friend who works for a well known media house. Since I would not whole heartedly agree with his view that the current situation pertaining in the country was attributable specifically to one side of the political divide, I was left in no doubt that I should be considered a traitor to my own. That’s ethnic, not, political persuasion.And that’s the rub. How do we even begin to bridge the ethnic divide, because it does exist, when to reach out to the other side may well lead to alienation from your own ethnic community?Is this situation unique to myself? I think not.Kenya is walking wounded. The 2007 general election has exposed the deep ethnic hatred that has simmered for many years in this country. Kenyans, in their own unique way, have perfected the art of doublespeak. That we are a united nation, and proud of our patriotism yet we remain deeply divided along ethnic lines as the outcome of this election has clearly shown.Isn’t it time that as Kenyans we come out once and for all and admit that all is not well in ‘our house’? What are we so afraid of, that we would rather find a quick solution to the current crisis and return to our ‘fake’ lives only to wait for the next implosion of ethnic killing.In todays nation, Gitau Warigi said, ‘Yet the mere resolution of the presidential election dispute is not going to erase the ugly ethnic hatred that has finally been exposed. Dialogue is the first step but, inevitably, some lasting constitutional or other pact must be worked out to ensure everybody will forever feel safe. And, ‘the facade of a peaceful Kenya has always been intended to obscure from view the deep fissures in the country’.It’s clear that many of us recognize the deception we are living. More so, another opinion article in the same paper today notes, ‘It gets even more tragic for Kenya that in this day and age, corruption and ethnic chauvinism remain the biggest challenges’.So its clear to all who want to see. Tribalism or ethnic chauvinism to a large extent is the driving force behind our politics and hence the flawed elections and its aftermath.It is clear to me that corruption and tribalism go hand in hand. There is a viscous circle containing in it, tribalism, corruption and politics. The three combining in various lethal doses to fuel the next.In my own sphere of influence I have often argued that the first in line in this sad mix is tribalism which then fuels political interests to convert Kenyans to support and vote one of their own ethnic community or a friendly ‘one’ to get as close to executive power as possible. Hence if ones ethnic group have a candidate for the presidency then the obligation is to support him or her regardless of their capacity, reputation, or leadership qualities. In addition, the community should then support as many next tier candidates as possible so as to attain the largest spread of ethnic command of Government.So the prize then is Government and the Executive power that goes with it.Why? This is where the corruption element rears its ugly head. So that the community may firstly protect itself (read those who have already been implicated in past corruption related offences) and then go on to acquire more wealth through manipulation of selected Government processes. Those not directly in the ethnic political elite then strive to acquire ‘Godfathers’ who will facilitate the same. The rationale being, ‘it’s our turn now’, and ‘if we don’t do it someone else will’.This unfortunately unravels back to the Kikuyu elite of the 1960’s when the first post independence government was formed. Kenyans have thus adopted the misguided notion that the best way to negate the corrupt gains made by this community is to get one of their own into power and reverse the trend to their own favour.Despite our claim to being a mostly Christian and for that matter Muslim nation, the concept of forgiveness is surprisingly absent.Yet as we become more sophisticated as a nation we must cloak our raw unbridled greed, tribalism, in ever more sophisticated camouflage. Hence, NARC and now ODM and PNU. At the heart of each you will find the same principle at work.Its either direct, as in, we need power to sort out our issues and redistribute income or the previous Government neglected (or threatened) us so we will join with another power seeking group to remedy the situation and punish them in the same vein. This would explain the coming together of Luo, Kalenjin and other tribal groups against the Kikuyu under the guise of democracy. The majority of Kikuyu for one do not believe this.Please do not (deliberately) or otherwise misinterpret this as an attempt to justify tribal/ethnic groupings or any one communities desire for political power including my own.I have always seen myself as a Kenyan first and a Luo second and in that sense I believe it is easier for me to temper my own tribal inclinations (which exist). Indeed I see that we have far more to gain by seeing ourselves as one, as Kenyans than letting our ethnic order get the better of us.Further, there is absolutely NO WAY that a division of Kenya along those lines into separate states will make life any better for even the most economically endowed ethnic group. So what’s the point of thinking in that way in the first place?Our strength as Kenya and our future is in us setting aside those tribal passions and working together to make Kenya what is should be. This will require forgiveness, understanding, compromise and humility. There is no other way and what we have witnessed in the last 10 days is not an option.A ‘Truth and Justice Commission’ is a priority. Those old wounds have not healed no matter how much we pretend they have. We have to deal with our past to ensure our future and the sooner the better. Otherwise Kenya will continue to exist as the dysfunctional house it is where, gains today can be reduced to nothing in hours, each time ethnicity takes centre stage.If combined with genuine patriotism, wealth and power will improve the lot of the common man as those who have attained them will understand that fate plays just as much a role in their lives as their own strivings.There is something that I have thought of often but have never been able to find the correct words to express. I found the words almost exactly as I had envisioned my thoughts in today’s nation editorial.‘Kenya practices a brutal, inhuman brand of capitalism which encourages fierce competition for survival, wealth and power. Those who can’t compete successfully are allowed to live like animals in slums. The country is choking with millions of young, able-bodied people who haven’t a hope of amounting to anything and who are susceptible to the seduction of false promises’.To this group the Political class plays master puppeteer with the consequences we have already seen.I put it to you that the solution to Kenya’s problems lie in a quiet and distinct revolution in the minds of the middle class who may not control the wealth but are most certainly the only real buffer this country has to true and bloody revolution.So where does this leave us?Am I my brother’s keeper? Yes. Yes I am. I must be.

2007-07-26T09:56:00.000+03:00

Recently I watched the 'Democratic debate' on CNN in which people from across the globe fielded questions on diverse topics. Despite the difference in opinions and answers from the candidates one thing that was outstanding was the patriotism of all the candidates. They all had the desire to make America a 'better' place. In fact that is the outstanding thing about Americans that is often mistaken for arrogance. Americans are easily the most patriotic people on earth, In fact that is the 'glue' that has cemented America together and enables it to be the country that it is. In addition you will find that Americans travel wide in their own country and so are exposed to the customs and practices of other communities in their country.

I insist that there is no better way to wipe out tribalism and build patriotism (the more tribalism the less patriotism and vice versa) that for kenyans to travel in their own country and get to know the practices, beliefs, customs, problems, joys, sorrows, victories and defeats of other Kenyans. Its not enough to simply go 'shags' and back to Nairobi or where one works and lives. Kenyans must make a conscious effort to get to know their country.

This blog is intended to be a pictorial of kenya with patriotic messages and is intended to fire up the desire of Kenyans to emulate this blogger and visit every nook and cranny of this great country.

As i said before the purpose of this blog is to get Kenyans to put aside their differences and focus on how we can utilise the huge natural potential and himan resources of this great country. I first want to encourage Kenyans to travel in their own country. Nothing will help us overcome our prejudices between communities and tribes as interaction. To see where others come from, the quality of their lives, understand their customs, and most of all see what a diverse country we have.

This pic is Tana river from the bridge entering Garissa.

enjoy.

2007-07-24T13:59:00.000+03:00

my second letter to 'time magazine' concerning darfur' first one was published in time in december 2006. Pictures are the 'Road to Masalani from Garissa' and the entrance of the al-urabi hotel, Masalani, ijaara'.

Letter to Time magazine.

During the Democratic debate on Tuesday (you tube questions) the question of Darfur was raised. After listening to various contenders’ response I must say that with regard to US foreign policy it becomes clear that the reason the US is no longer recognized as the world leader in international mediation is they have put policy and US interests above the direct interests of the peoples concerned. What was the real reason the US intervened militarily in Iraq? To help the Iraqi people or the pursue their own selfish agendas including the consolidation of influence in the oil producing countries in the Gulf.

In a similar vein while the UN and the US dither in foreign policy and diplomacy, on a daily basis more and more lives are lost in Darfur.

I wrote to you in October 2006 and you published exerpts of my letter in December 2006.

My challenge then to the US and the UN was to intervene now, immediately. To date 8 months later, nothing. Senator Bidden was the only one who came out straight to the point when he said that while a diplomatic solution was being pursued the children in the video clip would be dead or dying. What a poignant statement simply because everyone on earth knows that what he was saying is true. Its no use saying the African Union (AU) don’t want American or UN intervention. That’s not good enough. If it is clear that the AU do not have the financial, logistical, and motivational competency to protect the people of Darfur then it’s the overlying responsibility of the US and UN to make this clear to the world, if only to escape blame when the situation explodes as it is likely to. If the AU realize that they will be held responsible for what happens in Darfur then they will be more likely to accept help and to recognise their supposed role in African affairs . In any case as I have said before the AU can only be as effective as its member countries make Darfur a priority. This they are not doing.

Kenya, in particular should be the most active and be playing the leading role in bringing this terrible situation to an end. Sudan is a neighbour of Kenya with long standing historical ties. The long standing war in Sudan has negatively affected Kenya in the proliferation of arms in Kenyas’ Northern provinces. It is also directly in Kenyas interest to have a stable and safe Sudan as they would constitute top trading partner. But purely on humanitarian grounds, Kenya is by far the most resourceful country in the region and having the strongest economy, is shortchanging the Sudanese people and in particular the people of Darfur by giving little more than lip service to this impending tragedy.

kenya1

2007-07-21T19:03:00.001+03:00

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2007-06-22T18:10:00.000+03:00

here are the 'cross cutting' issues and recomendations made by the National Anti Corruption Steering Campaign Committee in their June 2007 report, (which I will post in 3 parts later) First picture is from 'Garsen' then the headquarters of the Kenya ports authority in Mombasa' and 'the sunset off Manda island, lamu'

Cross cutting issues Complete (April 16 2007)

Black: Orgiinal cross cutting. Verified by committee

Red: Additions and improvements to original cross cutting issues, verified by committee.

Blue: My own additions based on additional information and ideas that have cropped up since committee last sat to look at cross cutting issues. I would suggest that Director and staff look at these and delete or modify as appropriate.

Ø It is our considered opinion that the public do not see the importance for an id. In particular the older generation. The GOK should have an advocacy programme on the centrality of having an ID. This should include the empowering of chiefs, sub chiefs and grassroot religious organisations to register births. In addition the Id should be be linked to the benefits of social security. We further recommend that policy should be reviewed to make the driving licence a valid form of Identity. Given the seriousness of vetting of people in border districts GOK should establish a national task force with clear terms of reference to undertake a national analysis and interpretation with a view to finding a lasting solution to this problem. The GOK does not treat registration of persons as seriously as it should and the department is under-funded. Additionally there are often problems with the availability of materials for processing ID’s. As such, delays and outright refusals to process applications have frequently occurred. Though these are now being addressed by the Rapid Response Initiative, more needs to be done to ensure that all required materials are distributed on time to each district. The option of id registration of people at schools should be exploited.

Ø Police used to be allowed to monitor capital offenders who are released from prison. Additionally there should be a body to monitor ex-servicemen as they have the training handle firearms and or the connections to supply firearms and logistics to criminals. This should go a long way to reducing incidents of armed robbery.

Ø The Police department needs to be better equipped. As of now criminals have better resources than the police. The GOK need to take cognisance of the fact that drugs and liquor like bhang and changaa and legal in neighbouring countries yet illegal in Kenya. Law enforcement agencies must be vigilant at border points throughout the country. This links with the proliferation of illegal arms, smuggling, and human trafficking in the region. A regional approach must be developed to tackle these problems.

Ø Rape Drugs, In all rape cases the GOK should waive the Kshs 2,000 examination fee charged by hospitals for victims to get P3 forms filled and signed. Rape in Kenya not only physically and mentally damages the victim but in Kenyan society victims are stigmatised too. As a result the community often try to negotiate with the suspect to compensate or even marry the victim and the cases do not go to or are not pursued in court.

Ø In several cases across the country it is alleged that GOK officials tend to play down the seriousness of rape. Given the continued rise in rape cases statistically, there should be special prosecutors and courts to specifically handle rape cases. We note that RRI has already established special desks for rape cases in several police stations. We recommend these be extended to all police stations in the country and should be manned by specially trained officers.

Ø It is our considered view that Kenya should start at national level, a professional Anti Rape advocacy institution with specific terms of reference and mandate. There is need for the establishment of a centre where reports on sexual abuse against girls can be made.

Ø Evidence in Kericho shows the real impact of environmental destruction. Rivers in the district are drying up especially in Trans mara,, Narok, Kericho, Bomet and Bureti, Nyando and Nyamira. These form the basis of the water catchment areas in rift valley and Nyanza. This is contributing to the receeding levels of water in lake Victoria and the rift valley lakes. GOK must as a matter of urgency put in place strict enforcement of environmental policy than enables them to run and monitor water catchment areas in the country. Besides GOK must also repossess and or remove settlements in all the water catchment areas as part of the long term solution.

Ø There should be a deliberate and affirmative policy to increase the number of environmental officers under Nema and a similar increase in forest officers/guards as evidence on the ground shows tremendous destruction of water catchment areas across the country. In addition Nema needs to be much better funded.

Ø Pollution of any lakes should be checked, especially the releasing of effluent and as such the sewerage department should be modernised and expanded. Harmonise Public servants salaries.

Ø Given the seriousness of environmental degradation across the country, we recommend that a portion of both CDF and LATF funds should be specifically allocated to environmental conservation and afforestation

Ø Women should be protected so that can inherit their husbands land in case they die.

Ø AIE holders should receive money in time. They sometimes get it only weeks before end of year encouraging corruption.

Ø Issue of anti corruption should be made part of the schools curriculum. The education programme on corruption deserves just as much if not more focus from GOK such that it can be on par with the National Aids Campaign.

Ø There should be a nationwide government office to reorganise the public records keeping with a view to computerising it in all departments.

Ø There should be a rationalisation of hardship allowances for all public servants.

Ø It is the opinion of the committee that all devolved funds should be made displayed in public so as to enhance transparency.

Ø GOK should also look into the issue of child labour and human trafficking that are rampant at the Coast and some of the refugee camps in North Eastern province as the rights of both groups are regularly trampled on. Additionally there should be a body that looks at the welfare of those in refugee camps in Kenya

Ø The upgrading of local authorities/municipalities has been haphazard and is often in conflict with their economic viability.

Ø Each GOK institution must develop an in house anti corruption charter that must be strictly adhered to.

Ø Municipalities complained that they have to pay to pay VAT on the money they received from GOK. This policy should be reviewed. In addition CAP 265 needs to be revised so that councillors can monitor and have say in the use of lasdap LATF funds The amendments should also take into account the need for public participation in the management of local authority fund. Additionally when town clerks / County clerks mismange funds the most that happens is that they are transferred to other municipalities. They should be prosecuted. Council meetings must be advertised and members of public invited. Any council meeting held without a public notice should be declared null and void.

Ø Given the problems with voter registration the ECK should empower Kenyans to take part in the electoral process. And conduct more aggressive voter education. They should put in place modalities that will eliminate the selling of votes and cheating in the poll stations. There should be a policy of continuous registration of voters.

Ø There is rampant capital flight because of corruption. The GOK must look into methods or curbing this.

Ø GOK should institute immediate measures to cut down on drug abuse by youth in Mombasa.

Ø GOK should also look into the issue of child labour and human trafficking that are rampant at the Coast.

Ø The functioning of the 3 arms of Gok, The legislative, Judiciary and Ececutive should rethink their links with a view of ensuring that they syncronise their roles better.

Ø There needs to be a proper policy on compensation nationwide for public officers when they have to relocate for private of GOK projects.

Ø The issue of squatters country wide must be resolved. The contradictions regarding genuine squatters who do not have title deeds and others who sold their land should be harmonised. In view of the myriad land settlement schemes that have degenerated into tribal clashes across the country we recommend that GOK ensure that those who have already been allocated land should get their title deeds.

Ø Given the delicacy and proliferation of land issues in the country there is need to computerise the lands registry. Need to harmonise all land acts in the country. There should be comprehensive legislation to deal with the management of settlement schemes as a way of ensuring equity and fairness in the distribution of land to landless people. Security should be increased, with permanent GSU camps in clash hit areas. Faith based organisations should visit such areas and speak to the public about the need for peace and enhance the doctrine of dialogue through public hearings, as opposed to recourse to violence and destruction. The ndungu report should be acted upon or dismissed outright.

Ø There is need to harmonise all bursary disbursement schemes across the country top maximise their utility.

Ø Dams throughout the country should have desilting chambers to save on money used for desilting them.

Ø Review the sentencing for illicit brewing and increase the fines. Also make a provision for spot fines and the immediate destruction of the brew. It would appears the illicit brewers in Kisii are using a ‘scorched earth’ policy with regard to the export of illegal brews. They promote the same and reduce productivity of their neighbours in the hope of dispossessing them of their land. (the intention it would appear is to get the addicted to brews and acting irresponsibly).GOK needs to examine this scenario and take appropriate action.

Ø The GOK should recruit and train integrity officers for each district. There should be a T of T function build into each district with this regard. The officers should have integrity monitoring as their sole function. GOK must structure this office into the administration and provide adequate budgetary provisions for the same in each district.

Ø NSSF need to be computerised to increase its efficiency. In determining which children are awarded bursaries the relevant committees should be guided by demonstrated potential as well as direct grades to avoid discriminating against poor children who may be gifted but have scored low grades because they have been away from school.

Ø In fighting Corruption Kenyans are demanding that action be seen to be taken against the perpetrators of grand corruption in particular the Anglo Leasing and Goldenberg scandals.

Ø The GOK must develop a comprehensive policy for monitoring the activities of NGO’s and develop an index to ensure that a selected % of their project budgets is evident on the ground.

Ø In Kisii District the people have learnt to plant trees on their land and conserve the environment and avoid farming river banks or slopes. The GOK should promote this in other districts.

Ø In Kisii there has been rampant cheating in exams. This has been reduced considerably. But there are cases of children being discriminated against by being forced to sit exams without sweaters and or shoes (to prevent them carrying hidden papers etc into examination halls) thereby subjecting them to inhuman and degrading treatment. GOK should work with Kenya National Examinations Council to make sure children are not treated inhumanely while cheating is curbed. In addition there should be an investigation into how the papers are leaked. Also there are cases of impersonation during exams. That is a child can have another (school leaver) sit exams in his place to get better marks. Given the continued rampant cheating in exams in the country it is our view that GOK policy on examinations management is wanting and in need of overhaul.

Ø The GOK should look into the procurement process. It is deemed to complex and as such Kenya is losing business to Uganda and Tanzania where such procedures are simpler and faster. Contractors inflate prices of goods they supply and have formed cartels so the govt does not get value for money.

Ø Physical planning departments are under funded. This contributes greatly to corruption in planning of towns and construction across the country. GOK should increase the funding to this vital department and undertake a countrywide review of the design and functions of this office.

Ø Evidence on the ground indicates that despite the Societies act, several religious institutions across the country are set up with the express intention of soliciting funds from abroad/locally for the leaders own personal gain and fleecing worshippers in the process. In addition some teach unethical practices such as not seeking medical attention when ill. There are also cults, occults and other anti social groups that are an affront and repugnant to the ideals of society. We recommend a review of the Societies act and more vigilance on the part of GOK in the monitoring of religious organisations and ensuring that they comply with the provisions of the act.

Ø We recommend the establishment of an office of ombudsman who will receive and address public complaints of all kinds. There should be a department in this office of ‘Internal Affairs’ aka United States of America. They will access public complaints and have sweeping powers to summon and interrogate any public officer including members of the cabinet with regard to the proper use of GOK resources, from cars to funds. The department will analyse the TORS of public officers and ensure that the GOK resources allocated to the same are used effectively. For example the IA can question a Public Works Minister on why a road has been built in a certain area where there is little traffic as opposed to elsewhere (monitor the opportunity costs of GOK projects). IA will ensure that resources are directed to where they are most needed. IA will be a parallel check of institutions like the Police, NSIS, AG and KACA.

Ø There should be a GOK review of the policy on the sugar sector. This should take into account the efficient operation of the companies and the out-growers associations, the payment and marketing system and support for the local farmers.

Ø Lack of role models in society a major problem for youth. There is moral decay what can GOK do about this?

Ø The committee noted with concern that in the case of several GOK funded projects, throughout the country, the contractors received completion certificates from the headquarters even though they were incomplete and in some cases no work had been done at all. We recommend GOK institute a policy mechanism that will link the issuance of the certificate with the realities on the ground. This will entail making public officials and NGO’s on the ground aware of all GOK projects being undertaken. Additionally GOK should investigate those specific cases that have been mentioned in this report with a view to uncovering how the certificates were issued.

Ø Due to the strategic importance of CDF and the level of mismanagement of the fund across the country we recommend that CDF money should be released for only 4 years, and then the fifth (election) year, there should be a national audit, monitoring and evaluation exercise. This will serve to inform the voters of the performance of their MPs and give the public a basis to determine who to vote for.

Ø Given the nature of business at all border crossing points in Kenya and the congestion arising there-from, there is need to improve these facilities and amenities to international standards. In particular parking lots, recreational facilities, security check points, accommodation provision of electricity and sewerage need to be adequately catered for.

Ø Given the current state of roads in the country including the damage to roads due to freight traffic and the rampant drug trafficking, prostitution insecurity (smuggling of arms, highway robbery) along major highways, It is our opinion that GOK should institute a policy that will ensure given percentage of freight must be moved by rail and air. For example 50% by rail 15% by air and the rest by road.

Ø GOK should devise a system of ensuring punctuality and reducing apathy by public servants in line with the RRI . This may entail the creation of a department/committee that will deal with the following issues, promotion outside merit based on nepotism, un-harmonised salary structures, delayed promotion (stagnation in one job-group) for several years, lack of progressive schemes of service and general apathy among others.

Ø GOK should look into the possibility of having open plan offices in GOK in government offices to enhance transparency and efficiency.

Ø In light of the outcry by the public against public officers, GOK should carry out a few sting operations and impromptu visits to district offices and see how effective it will be in checking the corruption among public officers.

Ø Given the centrality of Jua Kali as a critical factor of the formal sector and in view of the fact that so many of Kenyas people are local artisans, GOK should review the current Jua Kali policies with a view of

o Strenghthening and extending the existing Jua kali sheds nationally.

o Seek to create linkages between Jua Kali and formal institutes of training such as polytechnics and institutes of technology.

It is evident from our visits that the Jua Kali sector are neglected

They are often in want of land and have great difficulty accessing cash equipment and information. (for example they are often exposed to lead in garages as they repair motor vehicles and use no eye and head protection as they carry out their business)

They need comprehensive capacity building in safety standards and procedures.

Ø We recommend all major government policies and service charters for all GOK departments to be translated into Kiswahili and local languages at the district level to enhance peoples understanding of their rights and GOK policies for the purpose of development.

Ø We noted that in all districts the KNA was poorly facilitated. As a result much of the work GOK have been doing to improve governance and facilitate GOK services goes unnoticed. We recommend that GOK review the facilitation for KNA and provide them with adequate funds and equipment that are up to date including laptops for the field, mobile phones and digital cameras as well as internet access and vehicles.

Ø There are serious problems in Kenyas prisons. The evidence available indicates that congestion, hunger, lack of clothing, inadequate medical facilities, infiltration by drug peddlers and more are rife. There is need to re train prison officers on basic aspects of the law and human rights to enable them to treat prisoners humanely. The GOK should also look into decongesting the prisons by giving non custodial sentences for misdemeanours and modifying the existing facilities. Additionally the GOK should increase accommodation facilities for prison warders while modernising the existing ones.

Ø Whereas Tobacco companies involve themselves in social responsibility programmes, the overall damage done to society by smoking of cigarettes still far outweighs and programmes tobacco companies may have. GOK should review tobacco policy relating to its consumption and the subsequent tobacco related diseases.

Ø GOK should develop a home grown standard for determining poverty indices to harmonise the apparent contradiction between lowly rated districts which are deemed to be poor and yet have vast resources.

Ø GOK officers handling devolved funds in each district should not be under duress from the MP’s when it comes to the issuing of cheques for projects. Similarly the same officers should not delay making payments for projects that have been approved. In addition the CDF committee, treasurer and the CDF accountant should be the only ones to collect and disburse funds from public officers.

Ø Evidence on the grounds indicates that many MP’s do not attend the District Project Committee meetings under CDF and yet they are patrons or chairmen of the same. Similarly they often fail to attend the District Roads Committee meetings. We recommend that the Act be amended to provide the committee members the powers to appoint chairs for the meetings in the MP’s absence.

Ø Sand harvesting is not provided for or regulated by a specific law. However NEMA has developed certain guidelines which are being replicated for use in other districts. We recommend that GOK should develop these guideless to a law through an Act of parliament given the seriousness of the issue.

Ø There should be more strategic consultation with stakeholders in the community on the setting up of new districts. GOK should speed up the establishment of GOK departments in all new districts.

Ø All committees at district level that oversee devolved funds must develop strategic plans and conduct feasibility studies before implementing any projects. This will ensure that projects are not spread to thinly to be viable.

Ø There is need to develop a curriculum for students that will inculcate in them values of courtesy, respect, honesty and integrity at an early age. These are the values that will empower future generations to resist the temptation to be corrupt.

Ø The requirement that tribe be mentioned in ID application forms should be scrapped with immediate effect. This is an infringement on the rights of Kenyans and promotes nepotism.

Ø The planning of all Towns and Cities in the country needs to be reviewed. In particular the correlation between town plans and their implementation needs to be examined. Municipal Councils must all be completely revamped and restructured and their operations revised. Councillors must have attained a recommended level of education to be eligible for election.

Ø There should be a survey done in all municipal councils to identify all road reserves and public utility land with a view to recovering all land that is being illegally used.

The hosting of Refugee camps (Daadab, Lokkichogio) and the attendant consequences to Kenya:

After visiting Garissa and Lodwar, This committee wishes to raise at GOK level concerns about the hosting of refugee camps in these areas. It is clear from reports in the press and the local people in Garissa that there is severe environmental degradation in the Dadaab refugee camps and surrounding areas as a direct result of collecting of wood for fuel. The Dadaab camps as at October 2006 hosted up to 160,000 refugees.

(Refugees are coming from Mogadishu, Baidoa and Kismayo. From January through August 2006, 24,000 refugees (an average of 100 per day) had entered the Dadaab refugee complex in north-eastern Kenya. September saw much more rapid migration, with arrivals averaging 300 per day. In October, the influx has accelerated to an average of 800 per day. However, from 4 to 5 October, over 2000 refugees entered Kenya, and on 10 October over 1400 refugees arrived. The Somali population in the three Dadaab refugee camps now amounts to 160,000. )

Reports by the United Nations Food Security Analysis Unit (FSAU).

As such there are a number of agencies that are assisting with programmes aimed at reducing the dependency on wood fuel by the refugees. In addition the United nations is supplying food and other related aid to the camps. In our opinon, though this is not enough.

We take cognizance of the deteriorating situation in Somalia. Ultimately the numbers of refugees in the camps is bound to increase sharply.

With this in mind we propose that the Kenya Government in conjunction with its partners who support the refugees look more critically at the issue of environmental degradation in these areas. In particular we propose the setting up of a special basket fund for the re afforestation/environmental programmes that will be restore the ecological stability of these regions. We propose that such a fund be managed and implemented by one body to have the greatest impact.

Further we wish to encourage the GOK to undertake studies that will examine and access these costs (environmental degradation) to the country and the people in the surrounding areas in particular with a view on sensitizing the international community to the real burden Kenya faces in hosting refugee camps.

The issue of hunting in Kenya and the setting up of a County Council anti-poaching unit.

Recently the debate on lifting the ban on hunting has resurfaced in the public domain. The proponents argue that if hunting is controlled it could bring much needed money and the attendant benefits to the communities sharing their land with wildlife. Additionally they claim that this is the only way of sustainably controlling Kenya’s wildlife populations that are mostly found outside Game Parks, Reserves and Conservation areas. These populations, they add are being decimated in any case by the growing illegal trade in bush meat.

Against this argument, many feel that hunting will quickly spiral out of control and will decimate huge populations of Kenya’s wildlife.

‘The scope of the problem is not yet fully known, but conservationists say it could endanger Africa's wildlife as much the great herd massacres of the 1970s and 1980s’.

"Bushmeat hunting has evolved from a low-level subsistence activity to a huge commercial trade," said Winnie Kiiru of the London-based Born Free Foundation, a conservation group.

(planet ark)

Given that tourism is Kenya’s second largest income earner (up to 23 billion KShs a year) and employing over 500,000 people it is imperative that GOK gives more attention to this dilemma.

The committee feels strongly that GOK should examine the alternatives to lifting the hunting ban that will stamp out the illegal trade in bush meat and provide income to the attendant communities.

It would appear then that the majority of Kenya’s wildlife are to be found on County Council trust land. As Kenya Wildlife Services anti poaching efforts are concentrated in the gazetted Parks, we feel that the GOK should look into the possibility of setting up a County Council anti poaching unit.

This would be funded directly from the Ministry of Local Government and servicemen would be trained by and work in conjunction with the Kenya Wildlife Services. The unit could then be represented in areas where there is abundant game and or regular reports of poaching.

The local authorities would then be encouraged through appropriate policy (and or legal amendments to the Local Authorities act and other acts where appropriate) to encourage investors to set up Camps and Lodges in designated conservation areas, contracted out to professional management. The income from the same would go directly to providing amenities to communities in these areas while reducing incidents of human wildlife conflict.

The constitution of Kenya. Trust land chapter 9 (nine)

115. (1) All Trust land shall vest in the county council within whose area of jurisdiction it is situated:

Provided that there shall not vest in any county council by virtue of this subsection-

(i) any body of water that immediately before 12th December, 1964 was vested in any person or authority in

right of the Government of Kenya; or

(ii) any minerals or mineral oils.

(2) Each county council shall hold the Trust land vested in it for the benefit of the persons ordinarily resident on

that land and shall give effect to such rights, interests or other benefits in respect of the land as may, under the African

customary law for the time being in force and applicable thereto, be vested in any tribe, group, family or individual:

Provided that no right, interest or other benefit under African customary law shall have effect for the purposes of this subsection so far as it is repugnant to any written law.

The disconnect between Judiciary, Attorney Generals Chambers and Kenya Anti Corruption Authority.

(From Ochoros discussion at retreat)

It would appear to the committee that there is public disquiet about the apparent disconnect between the offices of the Kenya Anti Corruption Commission and the Attorney Generals office. This is most apparent when corruption cases are referred to the AG’s for prosecution and then returned to KACA for ‘further’ investigation.

The perception by the public is that this has now become a high stakes game to hoodwink them when in reality the will to prosecute high profile corruption cases does not exist.

Further to this, it is perceived that the Judiciary is simply an extension of the executive and as such highly compromised.

It would appear that there is a problem of the interpretation of GOK policy with regard to prosecution of corruption cases by the AG’s office, the Judiciary at large and KACA. If this is the case then inevitably GOK policy will be misunderstood and implementation of the same becomes impossible. Neither is it possible to monitor and evaluate what cannot be implemented in the first place.

This committee therefore recommends that GOK exhaustively reviews the relationship between the 3 arms of GOK and reaffirm and reiterate its policy on the prosecution of corruption cases. In addition GOK should call together Judiciary, AG’s office and KACA and work out modalities that will streamline the process of prosecution to make it effective and restore public confidence in these offices.

Finally there is need for a review of salaries and allowances to Magistrates and legal officers in the Attorney Generals Chambers who handle the bulk of judicial proceedings in Kenya to bring them in line with that of Judges and KACA officials. Failure to do this may hamper the effective prosecution of cases as the disparities in income may leave a bulk of the judiciary and AG’s chambers under motivated.

Proposal to Government of Kenya to set up a ‘Special Committee for conflict resolution for North Eastern and Eastern Provinces (West Pokot, Baringo, Trans Nzoia Marsabit Moyale Garissa and Ijaara and Samburu)’

(Or as alternative increase the mandate of the National Anti Corruption Steering Committee to do so)

A proposal of the National Anti Corruption Campaign Steering Committee.

Rationale:

The National Anti Corruption Steering Committee as part of their mandate have toured these areas and spoken at length with both members of Civil Society, Civic leaders and Heads of departments including the respective Provincial and District Commissioners.

In specific areas of the Northern and eastern regions of the country namely parts of Turkana, Marsabit, Moyale, Mandera, Wesk Pokot, Baringo Samburu and Ijaara there has been years of insecurity and thousands of conflict related deaths. We have in the last year heard accounts of heart-rending tragedies that regularly occur in these areas. In addition to the hardship life, which often involves surviving on relief food, an incessant struggle to find water, great problems with transport on a severely dilapidated infrastructure and the constant fear of attack. More often than not, the victims are the innocent, women and children as in the case of the Turbi attack. On several occasions GOK too, have lost personnel in battles with hostile communities. Hundreds of millions of shillings have been spent on efforts to bring peace among these communities but the results have been poor and inconsistent. Development in the areas is impaired because of fear of certain areas or people and the understood reluctance of GOK officials to be transferred to these regions because of the attendant dangers and hardships.

To date roads between Isiolo and Marsabit, Marsabit and Moyale, Rumuruti to Samburu, Kitale to Lodwar, Lodwar to Lokichoggio, Garissa to Wajir and Mandera are still on and off, no go zones. In several areas police escort is mandatory and even then there are still insecurity incidents. Understandably the vehicles that ply these roads are in the worst possible conditions and it is impossible for vehicles owners to maintain their vehicles to required standards on such poor quality roads. It is simply impossible to enforce any kind of safety regulations on the roads and the vehicles that ply them. In particular lorries carry passengers as well as cargo and livestock in the most precarious of conditions. When it rains roads become impassable and people with their families, women and children may sleep on the road for days. Coupled with this is the abject poverty in the regions that makes living a normal life in which the basic necessities can be provided for on a day-to-day basis literally impossible for many. As such it is extremely difficult to campaign against corruption in these areas while failing to address their plight of their people. The harsh conditions contribute greatly to the corrupt practises we came to learn of.

These challenges in our opinion, have created an invisible but very true line between the Kenya ‘we know’ and what many in these regions refer to as ‘Kenya 2’. In actual fact these people are only Kenyan in name as they are denied the right to health, education and the God given basic right to a productive life by factors beyond their control. This is the height of corruption considering that they are not only citizens, but taxpayers like everyone else in Kenya.

After consultations among ourselves we have decided to make a specific appeal to the GOK to institute a far-reaching committee to:

Ø Examine and detail the pre and post independence history of these conflicts.

Ø Examine the reasons that underlie the conflicts and how to bring them to the attention of the whole country.

Ø To report concisely on the status of the current conflicts in these regions and their current causes.

Ø To examine the specific role of politicians past and present from these areas and the possibility of their fuelling the conflicts for political gain.

Ø The responsibility of GOK to the citizens of these regions.

Ø The role of GOK in bringing these conflicts to a permanent end.

Ø Carry out a far reaching vetting programme of all the NGO’s operating in these districts and determine their real impact on the ground vis a vis the funds they have received.

Ø Conduct studies into the economic potential of the areas with regard to geological features, the absence and or lack of exploitable minerals, the potential for irrigation and cultivation, ranching and tourism.

Ø The role of the provincial Administration in bringing a permanent end to these conflicts.

1. The role of the Police Force

2. The role of the Administration Police

3. The role of the Army.

4. The role of the General Service Unit.

5. The role of the National Security Intelligence Services.

Ø An evaluation of how these roles can be synchronised and enhanced.

Further to this the GOK should take note that most of the areas mentioned are border areas with the same communities living on both sides of the border.

With this regard the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and the Department of Defence should also be key partners in this initiative.

The committee should then in conjunction with Experts on Conflict Resolution develop a Ten-Year plan to resolve the specific issues of conflict between the warring tribes, clans and communities. This should include recommendations on:

Ø How to ensure access to pasture and watering points for the pastoralists from these areas at all times and in particular during times of drought.

Ø How to improve infrastructure, in particular roads and communications in the mentioned areas.

Ø How to instigate a paradigm shift for the peoples of these areas with regard to looking at alternative ways of providing for themselves and their families.

Ø Improve the reach, facilities and standards of education in the areas mentioned.

Ø Address the proliferation of weapons in the area and their easy access from neighbouring countries.

Ø Develop a mechanism for the staggered disarmament of and or strategic licensing of firearm holders in these areas

Ø Improve the security in the area and establish permanent Army/GSU outposts in selected areas.

Ø The creation and use of a GOK fund specifically to implement the above, which will be open multi-sectoral donors and conflict resolution agencies alike.

Ø How to reduce the negative perception the average Kenyan has of these areas and the peoples who inhabit them.

The NACCSC have compiled a report on their findings and recommendations on all the districts visited within the last year including the ones mentioned here and the committee’s recommendations for each district.

2007-06-06T14:57:00.000+03:00

Well im posting some more pics of different parts of country. Will try to follow some kind of system like a province at a time. Unfortunately half my pics were lost when my laptop was stolen 3 months ago. (Kenya aha) but i still managed to save some. So sit back and injoy this little ride around the country. Meanwhile I will be adding info on different districts and recomendations that have been made to Government to consider.

Please feel free to comment on the same and maybe we can start getting our country right. This is Kilindini channel ferry crossing.

kenya pictorial

2007-06-05T19:53:00.000+03:00

As i said before the purpose of this blog is to get Kenyans to put aside their differences and focus on how we can utilise the huge natural potential and himan resources of this great country. I first want to encourage Kenyans to travel in their own country. Nothing will help us overcome our prejudices between communities and tribes as interaction. To see where others come from, the quality of their lives, understand their customs, and most of all see what a diverse country we have.

I intend to daily (if possible) update pictures and posts from various parts of the country. I encourage kenyans to visit these places and see for themselves this beautiful land.

This is a store in Masalani, Ijaara district. Most Kenyans have no clue where that is. Look for it.